Bangladesh

1. Birth of Bangladesh: Hope and the Return of Sheikh Mujib

The united upsurge of the Bengalis to fashion their own destiny against overwhelming odds captured the imagination of the world.

A nation born in blood. Bangladesh emerged in December 1971 after a brutal nine-month liberation struggle against Pakistan, marked by immense sacrifice and international sympathy. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, imprisoned in Pakistan, became the revered symbol of this struggle, the "Bangabandhu" or friend of the Bengalis. His triumphant return in January 1972 ignited fervent hope for a "Sonar Bangla" (Golden Bengal) based on justice and harmony.

Return of the demigod. Mujib's release and return were met with unprecedented adulation, seen as a miracle. However, his nine months of isolation meant he was out of touch with the devastating reality of the war-torn country and the complex political landscape that had evolved in his absence. He returned as a martyr and idol, but lacked practical understanding of the immense challenges ahead.

A false start. Despite the euphoria, the new government, formed by the Awami League in exile, was plagued by internal dissension and lacked effective control. Mujib, opting to be Prime Minister rather than President to wield executive power, struggled to transition from charismatic agitator to effective administrator, setting a chaotic tone from the outset.

2. Mujib's Rule: Betrayal, Corruption, and Fading Adulation

Few men in history have betrayed the aspirations of their people as did the first leaders of Bangladesh-Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Khandaker Moshtaque Ahmed and General Ziaur Rahman.

Promises unfulfilled. Mujib's administration quickly became synonymous with soaring prices, shortages, and rampant corruption, shattering the dream of Sonar Bangla. His reliance on loyalists and the re-employment of many who had collaborated with Pakistan alienated freedom fighters and fueled public resentment. The initial adoration began to turn sour.

Chaos and lawlessness. The failure to collect arms after the war led to widespread violence and armed gangs operating with impunity. Mujib's attempts to control the situation were often inept, and his party members were frequently implicated in criminal activities, further eroding trust in the government.

• Armed gangs plundered countryside
• Longhaired boys in stolen jeeps terrorized cities
• Politically motivated murders escalated

Sycophancy and isolation. Surrounded by fawning advisors who shielded him from reality, Mujib became increasingly isolated from the suffering of the people. His ego inflated by constant praise, he dismissed criticism and failed to address the systemic rot, accelerating his decline in public opinion.

3. Military Disenchantment: The Rise of the Disgruntled Majors

If he had asked us to eat grass or to dig the earth with our bare hands we would have done it for him. But look how he behaved!

Mistrust of the military. Having suffered under Pakistani military dictators, Mujib deeply mistrusted the armed forces and deliberately sought to limit their power and role. He signed a treaty with India for external security and created the loyalist Rakhi Bahini paramilitary force as an alternative power base. This alienated professional soldiers.

FF vs. Repatriate divide. The army was internally divided between "Freedom Fighters" who fought in 1971 and "Repatriates" who were stranded in Pakistan. Mujib favored the FFs, granting them seniority, while repatriates faced discrimination and stalled careers, creating deep resentment and factionalism within the ranks.

• FFs received two years seniority
• Repatriates were often superseded
• Many repatriates remained on "attached list" with uncertain futures

The Tongi incident. A turning point for Major Farook Rahman and others was the "Operation Clean-up" where the army was ordered to tackle corruption but faced political interference when targeting Awami Leaguers. The release of a confessed murderer due to high-level intervention convinced Farook that the government itself was criminal.

4. The Plot Takes Shape: Targeting Mujib and Seeking a Successor

I was convinced there was no alternative. Sheikh Mujib had to die.

A personal decision. Driven by disillusionment and a sense of patriotic duty, Major Farook Rahman decided Sheikh Mujib had to be killed to save the country from ruin. He initially sought support from senior officers, including General Ziaur Rahman, but was rebuffed, leading him to plan the operation primarily with his brother-in-law, Major Khandaker Abdur Rashid.

Seeking celestial and political sanction. Farook sought the blessing of a blind holy man, Andha Hafiz, who advised him to wait and act secretly for the cause of Islam. Rashid, meanwhile, was tasked with finding a political figure to replace Mujib, settling on Khandaker Moshtaque Ahmed, a senior Awami League minister, after confirming his willingness to take over.

• Farook consulted Andha Hafiz for timing and blessing
• Rashid identified Moshtaque as a willing successor
• Moshtaque confirmed his availability shortly before the coup

Operational planning. Farook meticulously planned the military operation, identifying key targets (Mujib, his close family members, and potential threats like the Rakhi Bahini) and troop requirements. He relied heavily on his loyal Bengal Lancers and Rashid's 2 Field Artillery, coordinating their movements under the guise of night training exercises.

5. The Assassination: Sheikh Mujib and His Family Slaughtered

The time was 5.40 am. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's tempestuous love affair with the Bengalis had come to an end.

The strike begins. In the early hours of August 15, 1975, Major Farook led his tanks to neutralize the Rakhi Bahini headquarters using bluff, while killer teams led by other majors and NCOs sped towards the homes of Sheikh Mujib, Abdur Rab Serniabat, and Sheikh Fazlul Huq Moni. The operation relied on surprise and the assumption that senior officers would not react quickly.

Chaos at Dhanmandi 32. At Mujib's residence, the attack was met with brief resistance from bodyguards, leading to chaotic gunfire and the accidental firing of artillery rounds. Mujib, alerted by the commotion, made frantic phone calls for help, but none arrived in time.

• Police guards submitted quickly
• Lancer sentries stepped aside
• Bodyguards offered brief resistance

The massacre. Confronted on the stairs, Mujib was shot dead by Major Noor after attempting to talk down the attackers. The killing quickly devolved into a brutal massacre of his family members, including his wife, sons, and daughters-in-law, a horrific act that went beyond the initial plan to take sons Kamal and Jamal prisoner.

6. Moshtaque's Brief, Treacherous Presidency and Jail Killings

The savage slaying of these hapless men is an act of infamy on par with the massacre of the Bengali intellectuals by the departing Pakistani troops on the eve of Bangladesh's independence in December, 1971.

Assuming power. Khandaker Moshtaque Ahmed was brought to the radio station by Major Rashid and proclaimed President, quickly consolidating his position by securing the allegiance of the Service Chiefs. He imposed martial law and appointed a new cabinet, excluding Mujib's closest allies, while publicly denouncing corruption and promising reform.

Public deception. Moshtaque initially allowed the declaration of an "Islamic Republic" but later quietly reverted to the secular state, disappointing many. He also indemnified Mujib's killers, promoting them and praising them as "sons of the sun," an act that severely damaged military discipline and set a dangerous precedent.

• Indemnity Ordinance protected killers
• Majors Farook and Rashid were promoted
• Moshtaque publicly praised the "valiant sons"

The jail killings. In a pre-planned "contingency plan" designed by Farook, Rashid, and Moshtaque, four senior Awami League leaders (Tajuddin Ahmad, Syed Nazrul Islam, Mansoor Ali, and Kamruzzaman) were brutally murdered in Dhaka Central Jail on November 3rd during Khalid Musharraf's counter-coup. Moshtaque confirmed the order for their killing, ensuring no alternative government could easily form.

7. The Counter-Coup: Khalid Musharraf's Attempt and Failure

For three days, the 3rd, 4th and 5th of November, 1975, Bangladesh was without a government.

Reaction to the majors. Brigadier Khalid Musharraf and Colonel Shafat Jamil, resentful of the majors' power and the breakdown of military discipline, launched a counter-coup on November 3rd. Their primary objectives were to neutralize the majors and their tanks and to remove President Moshtaque, whom Jamil considered a murderer.

Inept execution. Despite seizing control of key areas and arresting General Ziaur Rahman, the coup leaders proved indecisive and politically naive. They got bogged down in trying to legitimize their actions through President Moshtaque and failed to effectively communicate their objectives to the public or the rest of the army.

• Khalid arrested General Zia
• Moshtaque was held prisoner in Bangababan
• Negotiations with the majors dragged on

Public perception and downfall. The coup was quickly perceived as pro-India and pro-Mujibist, fueled by the public celebrations of Awami Leaguers and effective propaganda from opposing factions. Khalid's failure to consolidate power and address these perceptions, coupled with the discovery of the jail killings, led to a power vacuum that was exploited by his enemies.

8. The Sepoy Mutiny: Chaos, Class War, and Zia's Ascent

Sephai, Sephai, Bhai Bhai - Officer de Rakta Chai.

Seeds of rebellion. The instability following the coups, coupled with existing grievances among the rank-and-file soldiers (sepoys) regarding pay, conditions, and the perceived arrogance of officers, created fertile ground for unrest. Leaflets from left-wing groups, particularly the JSD led by retired Lt. Col. Abu Taher, exploited these sentiments, calling for a "Sepoy Revolution."

The uprising. In the early hours of November 7th, sepoys in Dhaka Cantonment mutinied, looting armories and targeting officers. The slogan "All sepoys are brothers, we want the blood of officers" reflected the class conflict being instigated. Khalid Musharraf and two other officers were killed by mutineers.

Zia's rescue and rise. General Ziaur Rahman, under arrest by Khalid's forces, was freed by mutinous sepoys and carried to safety. He quickly seized the opportunity presented by the chaos, broadcasting a message of unity and taking charge as Chief Martial Law Administrator, becoming the undisputed military leader.

• Zia was freed by loyal sepoys
• He broadcast a message of reassurance
• He assumed the role of CMLA

9. Zia's Consolidation: Authoritarianism and Political Maneuvering

I did not capture power. I was made to assume power.

Securing control. Having risen to power on the shoulders of the sepoys, Zia moved swiftly to consolidate his authority. He suppressed the mutiny, often with extreme brutality, and banned the left-wing parties that had instigated it. He also sidelined President Sayem, eventually taking over the presidency himself in 1977.

Constitutional changes. Zia systematically dismantled the remnants of Mujib's secular and socialist constitution through Martial Law Proclamations. He introduced an "Islamic tinge," changed the national identity to "Bangladeshis," and concentrated overwhelming power in the executive presidency, effectively creating a constitutional dictatorship.

• Introduced "Bismillah-Ar-Rahman-Ar-Rahim" to preamble
• Changed identity from "Bengalees" to "Bangladeshis"
• Concentrated power in the presidency

Building a political base. To legitimize his rule and broaden support beyond the military, Zia formed the Bangladesh National Party (BNP). He strategically incorporated diverse groups, including former Muslim Leaguers accused of collaboration in 1971, into the political mainstream, a move that both expanded his base and stirred controversy.

10. Zia's Rule: Development Rhetoric vs. Corruption and Violence

He was a man who could kill with one hand and eat with the other.

Focus on rural development. Zia championed a philosophy of self-reliance and rural uplift, launching highly publicized programs like canal digging and youth cooperatives. He tirelessly toured the country, urging people to work hard and contribute to national development.

• Launched canal digging program
• Formed Jubo Complexes (youth cooperatives)
• Emphasized work ethic and self-reliance

Institutionalized corruption. Despite his personal honesty, Zia tolerated and even encouraged corruption among his political allies and bureaucrats. This created a system of patronage that secured loyalty but deeply polluted the social fabric and exacerbated inequality, creating a "dual economy" of affluent elites and struggling masses.

• Corruption became rampant at all levels
• Jubo Complexes used for political patronage and extortion
• Vast sums of money were unaccounted for

Cycle of unrest. Zia's authoritarian methods, the pervasive corruption, and the lingering resentments within the military fueled continuous instability. His rule was plagued by numerous mutinies and coup attempts, which he suppressed with increasing severity, leading to mass executions and further bloodshed.

11. The Cycle Continues: Zia's Assassination in Chittagong

Now is the time to act. How you do it, with what you do it, I don't know ...

Manzoor's resentment. Major General Mohammad Abul Manzoor, a talented but ambitious freedom fighter officer, resented Zia's rise and felt sidelined after being transferred from Dhaka to Chittagong. His resentment intensified when Zia ordered his transfer back to a less prestigious post in Dhaka and publicly snubbed him.

Plotting in Chittagong. Manzoor, supported by a core group of disgruntled FF officers including Lt. Colonels Motiur Rahman and Mehboobur Rahman, began plotting against Zia. They exploited the grievances of other FF officers, spreading rumors of a plot against them by Army Headquarters to gain support for their cause.

The final act. Despite warnings from intelligence services, Zia proceeded with his planned visit to Chittagong on May 29, 1981, the same day Manzoor received his transfer orders. In the early hours of May 30th, a strike team of officers, acting on Manzoor's signal, stormed Zia's temporary residence, the Circuit House, and assassinated him.

• Manzoor ordered the strike
• Officers stormed the Circuit House
• Zia was shot dead in his room

Last updated: May 17, 2025