Homage to Catalonia

1. Barcelona's Initial Revolutionary Spirit

Waiters and shop-walkers looked you in the face and treated you as an equal.

Entering revolutionary Barcelona. Arriving in Barcelona in late 1936 felt like stepping into a workers' state. Buildings were draped in red and black flags, shops and transport were collectivized, and revolutionary slogans covered the walls. This atmosphere of equality was startling and deeply moving, suggesting a society worth fighting for.

Class distinctions vanished. The visible signs of wealth and class disappeared. Everyone wore similar working-class clothes or militia uniforms, and traditional forms of address like "Señor" were replaced by "Comrade" and "Thou." Tipping was forbidden, and people interacted on terms of genuine equality, a stark contrast to the class-ridden society of England.

Hope and idealism. Despite shortages and the looming presence of war, the city felt hopeful and alive with revolutionary fervor. Posters appealed to idealistic notions like proletarian brotherhood, and even illiterate militiamen would laboriously spell out and sing revolutionary ballads. This initial impression was one of a society attempting to live out its ideals.

2. Life and Comradeship at the Aragon Front

Queer, the affection you can feel for a stranger!

Shared hardship and connection. Life at the Aragon front was a monotonous cycle of sentry-go, patrols, and digging, marked by intense cold, mud, and constant discomfort. Yet, this shared misery fostered a deep sense of comradeship among the diverse group of militiamen, including Spaniards and foreigners. Brief, intense connections with strangers, like the Italian militiaman, were common and deeply felt.

Primitive conditions. The front line was characterized by a severe lack of basic necessities.

• Firewood was desperately scarce, requiring constant foraging under fire.
• Water was limited and often foul.
• Food was monotonous, mainly haricot beans.
• Lice were a constant problem as the weather warmed.

Human decency prevailed. Despite the harsh environment and political differences, the essential decency, straightforwardness, and generosity of the Spanish working class were striking. They shared what little they had and treated foreigners with remarkable friendliness, often expressing admiration for their comrades' bravery regardless of nationality.

3. The Reality of Militia Warfare

Any public school O . T . C . in England is far more like a modern army than we were.

Lack of training and equipment. The workers' militias, formed rapidly at the war's outset, were severely lacking in military training and modern equipment. Recruits, often teenagers, received minimal instruction, mostly outdated parade-ground drill, and were sent to the front with ancient, often unusable rifles and insufficient ammunition.

Democratic but inefficient. The militia system was based on social equality, with no formal ranks or saluting, and orders given as comrade to comrade. While this fostered a strong sense of class loyalty and prevented the bullying common in traditional armies, it initially led to disorganization and a lack of discipline, making military operations difficult.

Stagnation and futility. The Aragon front was largely static, characterized by long periods of inaction and sporadic, often meaningless, firing. The lack of artillery and proper weapons meant that positions were impregnable to infantry attacks, leading to a sense of futility. The real enemy often seemed to be the cold, dirt, and boredom rather than the distant Fascists.

4. Political Conflict Behind the Lines

So great is the difference between two sets of initials!

Growing political awareness. Initially uninterested in the complex web of Spanish political parties (POUM, PSUC, CNT, FAI, UGT), Orwell was forced to confront the reality that the war was deeply political. His own experiences, particularly the later events in Barcelona, were directly shaped by his affiliation with the POUM militia.

Competing ideologies. The government side was fractured by fundamental disagreements between the Anarchists (CNT-FAI) and the Communists (PSUC), with the POUM occupying a smaller, dissident Marxist position.

• Anarchists and POUM advocated for immediate social revolution and workers' control.
• Communists, backed by Soviet Russia, prioritized winning the war through a centralized, non-revolutionary approach, aligning with bourgeois democracy to secure foreign aid.

Shift in power. As the war progressed and Soviet influence grew, power shifted away from the revolutionary trade unions towards the centralized government and the Communist Party. This was achieved through a series of calculated moves, often justified by military necessity, which gradually eroded the workers' gains and the initial equalitarian spirit.

5. The Barcelona May Days Fighting

What the devil was happening, who was fighting whom, and who was winning, was at first very difficult to discover.

Provocation and spontaneous outbreak. In May 1937, simmering tensions between the police (controlled by the PSUC) and the Anarchists (CNT) erupted into street fighting in Barcelona. The immediate trigger was the police attempt to seize the Telephone Exchange, controlled by the CNT, which was seen as a deliberate provocation against the working class.

Chaos and confusion. The fighting was chaotic and largely defensive, with both sides building barricades and firing from fixed positions. It was difficult to ascertain the overall situation or who was responsible for escalating the conflict. The official CNT leadership disavowed the fighting, while the POUM reluctantly supported their followers at the barricades.

Political consequences. The May Days, though relatively short and inconclusive militarily, had significant political repercussions. They provided the central government with the justification to further consolidate power over Catalonia, accelerate the dissolution of the militias, and, crucially, suppress the POUM, blaming them for the unrest.

6. The Suppression of the POUM

The ‘Stalinists’ were in the saddle, and therefore it was a matter of course that every ‘Trotskyist’ was in danger.

Targeting political rivals. Following the May Days, the Communist-influenced government moved swiftly to eliminate the POUM. The party was declared illegal, its buildings were seized, and its members, including leaders like Andrés Nin, were systematically arrested and imprisoned without charge or trial.

Fabricated accusations. The Communist press worldwide launched a virulent campaign, falsely accusing the POUM of being a Fascist organization, "Franco's Fifth Column," and agents of Hitler and Trotsky. These accusations were baseless, contradicted by the POUM's anti-Fascist history and the loyalty of its militia at the front.

Injustice and fear. The suppression created a climate of fear and suspicion, with widespread arbitrary arrests and disappearances. Even members of the Spanish government later admitted that the police acted autonomously, often under foreign Communist influence, and that the espionage charges against the POUM leaders were unfounded, highlighting the political nature of the purge.

7. Propaganda, Lies, and Disillusionment

One of the dreariest effects of this war has been to teach me that the Left-wing press is every bit as spurious and dishonest as that of the Right.

Distortion of truth. The war revealed the pervasive dishonesty of political propaganda across the spectrum. Both the Fascist and anti-Fascist presses engaged in wild exaggerations, fabrications, and personal libels, often prioritizing political point-scoring over factual reporting, even at the expense of military morale.

Communist smear campaign. The most striking example was the relentless and baseless smear campaign against the POUM by the Communist press. Accusations of Fascist collaboration were repeated globally without evidence, demonstrating a willingness to destroy political opponents through lies, a tactic Orwell found deeply disturbing and damaging to the anti-Fascist cause.

Loss of naive idealism. Witnessing the political infighting, the suppression of dissent, and the blatant dishonesty of the press eroded Orwell's initial naive idealism about the war. While still believing in the necessity of fighting Fascism, he became acutely aware of the complex and often ugly political realities behind the lines, realizing that the "war for democracy" narrative was a simplification.

8. The Enduring Value of Equality

One had breathed the air of equality.

Experience of a classless society. Despite the political turmoil and military inefficiency, Orwell's time in the POUM militia provided a unique experience of living in a community where class distinctions were genuinely minimized. The shared conditions, equal pay, and sense of comradeship offered a glimpse, however temporary and imperfect, of what a socialist society might feel like.

Contrast with capitalist norms. This atmosphere of equality stood in stark contrast to the class-ridden society Orwell knew in England. The absence of snobbery, money-grubbing, and servility among the militiamen and the working class in Catalonia left a lasting positive impression, reinforcing his belief in the core ideal of Socialism as a classless society.

A valuable memory. Even after the disillusionment of the May Days and the suppression of the POUM, the memory of this period of relative equality remained profoundly important. It was a time when hope and comradeship seemed more natural than cynicism, providing a powerful counterpoint to the political betrayals and hardships of the war.

9. Being Wounded and Leaving Spain

I could not help thinking that it would be even luckier not to be hit at all.

The shock of injury. Orwell was shot through the neck by a sniper at the front. The experience was initially one of violent shock and a sense of utter weakness, followed by the assumption that the wound was fatal. The physical sensation was less pain and more a dazed numbness, highlighting the sudden, arbitrary nature of battlefield casualties.

Journey through hospitals. Being wounded initiated a difficult journey through various understaffed and poorly organized hospitals behind the lines. While doctors were competent, the lack of trained nurses and adequate transport meant delays in treatment and uncomfortable travel, illustrating the logistical challenges faced by the Republican medical system.

Forced departure. His wound, which caused temporary paralysis and loss of voice, rendered him unfit for further combat. Coupled with the increasingly hostile political climate in Barcelona following the POUM's suppression, this led to the decision to return to England. Leaving Spain meant escaping the oppressive atmosphere but also a sense of unfinished business and sadness at the loss of the initial revolutionary promise.

Last updated: May 5, 2025