Jews Don't Count

1. Jews are often excluded from progressive identity politics.

This list is slightly odd in that it includes a number of categories that would already be considered mainstream, including ‘white’ and ‘straight’, but maybe Butler was very keen not to alienate anyone in this particular speech. Not to leave any group out. But she did.

Progressive oversights. The author observes that Jews are frequently omitted from lists of marginalized groups championed by progressive movements. This exclusion occurs despite the long history of persecution faced by Jewish people. The author cites examples such as a Danish comedian's list of oppressed people and a speech by Dawn Butler, a Shadow Secretary of State, both of which failed to include Jews.

Identity politics. The author argues that the rise of identity politics has led to a fragmented left, where the focus is on specific minorities. However, Jews are often left out of this "sacred circle" of those whom progressives are prepared to fight for. This exclusion is a recurring theme throughout the book, highlighting a blind spot within progressive ideology.

The author's perspective. The author, who identifies as progressive, expresses concern over this trend. He emphasizes that his book is about progressives and their confusion over anti-Semitism, not about blatant far-right anti-Jewish statements. He seeks to deconstruct the anti-Semitism that needs to be addressed, which is the passive neglect of Jewish sensibilities.

2. Anti-Semitism is often viewed as a secondary form of racism.

It was a strange moment. It felt less like a question and more like a helpful suggestion. Maybe this would be a way forward for the Democrats? was the tone. Webb did not qualify or contextualise it. He did not preface or add ‘Obviously this is offensive to say, but perhaps it’s what some people in the party actually think’. His tone was neutral.

Second-class racism. The author contends that anti-Semitism is often treated as a "second-class racism" compared to other forms of discrimination. He cites an example of a BBC Radio 4 interview where a host suggested that anti-Semitism might be considered less important than anti-white racism. This statement, the author argues, reflects a broader societal tendency to downplay the significance of anti-Jewish prejudice.

Hierarchy of offense. The author notes that even hate speech directed at Jews is often perceived as less offensive than hate speech targeting other minorities. He uses the example of the "Y-word," a derogatory term for Jews, which is often considered less offensive than the N-word or the P-word. This hierarchy of offense, the author argues, reflects a deeper societal bias against recognizing the severity of anti-Semitism.

The author's experience. The author shares his personal experiences of encountering this attitude, including a conversation with a friend who claimed that the "Y-word" wasn't as bad as the N-word because "Jews are rich." This statement, the author argues, reveals a dangerous assumption that wealth somehow diminishes the impact of racism.

3. Stereotypes about Jewish wealth and power hinder recognition of anti-Semitism.

Because all the people in the sacred circle are oppressed. And if you believe, even a little bit, that Jews are moneyed, privileged, powerful and secretly in control of the world … well, you can’t put them into the sacred circle of the oppressed. Some might even say they belong in the damned circle of the oppressors.

High and low status. The author argues that a key reason for the left's confusion over anti-Semitism is the racist mythology that portrays Jews as both low and high status. Jews are stereotyped as lying, thieving, and vile, but also as moneyed, privileged, and secretly in control of the world. This dual image makes it difficult for some to see Jews as victims of oppression.

Food culture. The author uses the example of food to illustrate this point. While cultural appropriation of food from other minority cultures is widely criticized, the appropriation of Jewish food is often ignored. This, he argues, is because Jews are seen as the stealers, not the stolen from, the oppressors, not the victims.

John Cusack's retweet. The author cites the example of actor John Cusack, who retweeted an anti-Semitic image attributed to Voltaire but actually from a white supremacist. The image depicted Jews as secretly ruling the world. While Cusack apologized, the incident highlights the blind spot that many progressives have when it comes to recognizing anti-Semitic tropes.

4. Jewish identity is often hidden or downplayed due to societal pressures.

I never normally tell people. That I’m Jewish, I mean. Why not? (as if it’s obvious) Well. People don’t like ’em.

Shame and concealment. The author observes that Jewish identity is often hidden or downplayed due to societal pressures and fear of discrimination. He recounts a conversation with a woman at a wedding who admitted to concealing her Jewishness because "people don't like 'em." This anecdote, the author argues, reflects a broader sense of shame and a desire to assimilate into the mainstream culture.

Miriam Margolyes's quote. The author cites actress Miriam Margolyes, who stated that "nobody likes Jews" and that they are "too smart to be liked." This statement, the author argues, reflects a deep-seated belief that Jews are inherently unpopular and that their intelligence is a source of resentment.

Passing as non-Jewish. The author notes that one of the things that marks Jewishness out as different from other ethnicities is that it can be hidden. This ability to "pass" as non-Jewish, he argues, contributes to the omission of Jews from identity politics. The assumption appears to be that because they are not immediately visible, they don't suffer racism.

5. Double standards exist in casting Jewish roles in media.

As regards the controversial area of minority casting, Jew remains the only minority – and now we’re talking beyond ethnic, to include disabled, trans, autistic and many other categories – where you don’t have to cast the actor in line with the real thing.

Lack of representation. The author points out that there are double standards in casting Jewish roles in media. While there is increasing pressure to cast actors from minority backgrounds in roles that reflect their identities, this standard is often not applied to Jewish characters. Non-Jewish actors are frequently cast in Jewish roles, even when the story is explicitly about Jewish identity.

Examples in film and television. The author provides numerous examples of this phenomenon, including James Norton playing a Jew in "McMafia," Rachel McAdams playing a Jewish character in "Disobedience," and Gary Oldman playing Herman Mankiewicz in "Mank." He also mentions that Sarah Solemani, a Jewish actress, lost the lead role in "The Marvelous Mrs. Maisel" to Rachel Brosnahan, who is not Jewish.

Absence of outrage. The author argues that the lack of outrage over these casting choices reflects a broader societal indifference to Jewish representation. He contrasts this with the strong reactions that occur when non-minority actors are cast in roles that should be played by actors from other marginalized groups.

6. Progressives sometimes prioritize other forms of discrimination over anti-Semitism.

To shake up privilege, you need the privileged: you need them to feel ashamed. You need the privileged, white, straight, cis-gendered, able-bodied to feel shame and anger on behalf of the minority that’s being in some way traduced by them. And the privileged, white, straight, cis-gendered, able-bodied majority never feel these things when the minority being traduced is Jews; because they think that Jews are just … them. They don’t see enough difference.

Hierarchy of racisms. The author argues that progressives sometimes prioritize other forms of discrimination over anti-Semitism. He suggests that this is because Jews are often seen as "white" and therefore not deserving of the same level of protection as other minorities. This hierarchy of racisms, the author contends, leads to a neglect of Jewish concerns.

Ken Loach controversy. The author cites the example of Ken Loach, who was appointed as a judge for a school competition run by an anti-racist charity despite his past comments questioning the history of the Holocaust. The author argues that the lack of outcry from progressive quarters over this appointment reflects a broader indifference to anti-Semitism.

Jason Lee sketch. The author discusses the recurring presence of a photo of him in blackface on his Twitter timeline. He argues that this photo is often used to silence him when he speaks out about anti-Semitism, suggesting that his past offense against a more "important" racism disqualifies him from speaking about his own experience of anti-Jewish racism.

7. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often unfairly conflated with anti-Semitism.

For a long time online I used to hand out an award for this sort of tweet, called the #BringIsrael PalestineIntoItSomeFuckingHow Award. Then I realised it was happening so often it was pointless.

Conflation of anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism. The author argues that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often unfairly conflated with anti-Semitism. He notes that criticism of Israel is often used as a pretext for expressing anti-Jewish prejudice. This conflation, the author contends, makes it difficult to have a rational discussion about the conflict without being accused of anti-Semitism.

The author's position on Israel. The author states that he doesn't care about Israel more than any other country and that to assume he does is racist. He argues that his Jewish identity is about his cultural heritage and personal experiences, not about a Middle Eastern country three thousand miles away.

Responsibility for Israel's actions. The author rejects the idea that non-Israeli Jews should feel responsible for Israel's actions. He argues that expecting Jews to apologize for Israel is racist and that if a non-Israeli Jew does feel responsible, it is internalized racism.

8. A lack of understanding of Jewish history contributes to the problem.

This instruction came from a number of beliefs. Primarily, it came from a sense, prevalent in the government of the time, that the British public should not feel they were fighting a war on behalf of the Jews. But underneath that is something deeper. Underneath that is a profound belief that Jews do not belong in the category of the indisputably innocent: that, just by virtue of being Jewish, they have sinned.

Historical ignorance. The author suggests that a lack of understanding of Jewish history contributes to the problem of anti-Semitism. He argues that many people are unaware of the long history of persecution faced by Jewish people and therefore fail to recognize the severity of contemporary anti-Semitism.

Ministry of Information memo. The author cites a 1940 memo from the British Ministry of Information, which instructed propagandists to avoid focusing on the treatment of Jews in Nazi Germany. This memo, the author argues, reflects a belief that Jews do not belong in the category of the "indisputably innocent."

Raymond Barre's statement. The author also cites a statement by French Prime Minister Raymond Barre, who described a terrorist attack on a synagogue as targeting "Jews who were in that synagogue, and which struck innocent French people who were crossing the street." This statement, the author argues, implies that the Jews who were the target of the attack were not innocent.

9. Anti-Semitism is often dismissed as a concern of the right-wing.

Note the reference to history, and the certainty about who and what is on the right side of it. Note also the element of irritation, of institutions being bothered by this trifling issue when there are so many more important things to worry about. But note mainly, ‘Williamson’s intervention’: concern about anti-Semitism comes from the right.

Political polarization. The author observes that concern about anti-Semitism is often dismissed as a concern of the right-wing. He argues that this political polarization makes it difficult to address anti-Semitism in a non-partisan way. When the right raises concerns about anti-Semitism, the left often dismisses it as a cynical attempt to score political points.

University adoption of IHRA definition. The author cites the example of universities' reluctance to adopt the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance's definition of anti-Semitism. He argues that the Guardian's coverage of this issue focused less on the element of Jews not counting than on the fact that the Conservative government got involved.

Association with Establishment values. The author suggests that a particularly modern form of anti-Semitism is the association of anti-anti-Semitism with Establishment values. Saying "this is anti-Semitic," for some, puts you firmly into the camp of the oppressor.

10. The author calls for greater awareness and action against anti-Semitism.

It’s changing. The omission of Jews from identity politics is not quite what it was. Late in 2020, for example, the Roald Dahl estate apologised for Dahl’s anti-Semitism (see footnote). This was in line with the kind of public apologies for various offences against various minorities that are now a regular occurrence in the culture.

Need for recognition. The author concludes by calling for greater awareness and action against anti-Semitism. He argues that it is crucial to recognize that anti-Semitism is a real and serious form of racism that needs to be addressed with the same urgency as other forms of discrimination.

Level playing field. The author advocates for a "level playing field" around racism, where all forms of prejudice are treated with equal seriousness. He calls on progressives to include Jews in their sacred circle of those whom they are prepared to fight for.

Roald Dahl estate apology. The author notes that the Roald Dahl estate apologized for Dahl's anti-Semitism, suggesting that things are changing. However, he also points out that the apology was buried on the website, indicating that there is still a long way to go.

Last updated: February 24, 2025