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Modi, Muslims and Media

Modi, Muslims and Media

by Madhu Purnima Kishwar 2014 400 pages
3.83
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Key Takeaways

1. Modi's Demonization: A Politically Engineered Myth

Unfortunately, some conflict entrepreneurs live off conflicts.

Political agenda. The intense, often hysterical, demonization of Narendra Modi is not a natural public reaction but a deliberate campaign orchestrated by political opponents, primarily the Congress Party and its allied NGOs. This campaign began long before the 2002 riots, intensifying as Modi's inclusive development agenda threatened traditional vote banks. The author's investigation was prompted by the sheer scale and irrationality of this "Modiphobia."

Selective targeting. Modi has been singled out for attacks regarding the 2002 riots, unlike chief ministers during numerous other, often deadlier, riots in India's history under Congress regimes. Many prominent anti-Modi activists are not from Gujarat or the Muslim community, suggesting their motives are political rather than rooted in local experience or genuine concern for riot victims. The campaign receives significant financial and political patronage from the Congress.

Silencing dissent. Any Muslim or Gujarati who speaks positively about Modi or questions the dominant narrative faces vicious attacks and attempts to silence them. This intellectual terror aims to prevent alternative perspectives from emerging, ensuring the "Modi as mass murderer" narrative remains unchallenged despite court judgments and inquiry reports clearing him of direct complicity.

2. Godhra Carnage: A Pre-Planned Attack, Not an Accident

The 176-page report of the Commission concluded that the Godhra train carnage was a ‘pre-planned conspiracy’ hatched a day prior to the carnage.

Brutal attack. On February 27, 2002, a mob attacked the Sabarmati Express near Godhra station, setting a coach on fire and burning alive 59 passengers, including women and children. This was not a spontaneous act but a deliberate, pre-planned attack. The train was stopped by pulling the emergency chain at a location surrounded by a specific community's settlement, and passengers were trapped inside while the coach was set ablaze.

Conspiracy findings. The Nanavati Commission, headed by a retired Supreme Court judge, concluded that the Godhra incident was a pre-planned conspiracy intended to create terror and destabilize the state. Evidence included:

  • Procurement of large quantities of petrol the night before.
  • Assembly of a large mob (1500+) ready to attack.
  • Forcible stopping and mobbing of the train from both sides.
  • Cutting open the coach canvas and pouring inflammable liquid inside.
  • Witness testimonies, including police and railway staff.

Political links. The Commission and subsequent investigations noted the alleged involvement of local Congress leaders in the conspiracy. Attempts by the Railway Ministry under Lalu Yadav to appoint a parallel committee (Banerjee Committee) to declare the fire "accidental" were later deemed illegal and mala fide by the Gujarat High Court.

3. Post-Godhra Riots: Complex Violence, Swift Government Response

However, despite obvious failures and lapses—some deliberate and many unintended—facts established by subsequent inquiries clearly show that the government as a whole did not look the other way.

Not a pogrom. Unlike a one-sided massacre like the 1984 anti-Sikh killings, the 2002 Gujarat violence, while horrific, involved aggression and casualties on both sides, particularly in the initial phase. While Muslims suffered disproportionately, Hindus also died in mob violence and police firing, and Hindu properties were also damaged. Both BJP and Congress elements were allegedly involved in instigating violence.

Prompt government action. Despite being in office for only four months and lacking administrative experience, Modi's government took swift steps to control the situation:

  • Curfew imposed in Godhra within 1.5 hours of the train attack.
  • Shoot-at-sight orders issued promptly.
  • Entire state police force (70,000+) deployed on Feb 27.
  • Army requisitioned from the Centre on Feb 28 and deployed by March 1.
  • Paramilitary forces also deployed rapidly.

Controlling the violence. The most intense phase of violence was brought under control within 72 hours, significantly faster than many previous riots in Gujarat that lasted weeks or months. Police firing resulted in deaths on both sides (61 Hindus, 40 Muslims in the first three days), indicating the police were not entirely passive or solely targeting one community.

4. Modi's Inclusive Governance: Development for All Gujaratis

When the Sachar Committee members met and asked me, “Mr. Modi what have you done for Muslims in Gujarat?” I told them: Nothing, I have done nothing for Muslims. But please go on to note that I have done nothing for Hindus or Jains or Sikhs either.

Universal approach. From day one, Modi's stated and demonstrated philosophy has been "Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas" (Participation of all, for the development of all). He consistently addressed all five (now six) crore Gujaratis, avoiding sectional appeals based on religion, caste, or community. His focus was on improving governance and infrastructure for everyone.

Key pre-Godhra initiatives:

  • Lok Kalyan Melas: Bringing government welfare schemes to people's doorsteps, ensuring transparent delivery.
  • Kanya Kelavani & Shala Utsav: Campaign for 100% school enrollment and retention, benefiting all children.
  • Revitalizing Gram Panchayats: Empowering local self-governance and promoting consensual elections (Samras Panchayats).
  • Panchamrut Yojana: Focusing on five key areas of development (Water, People, Knowledge, Energy, Security) for the entire state.

Inherent inclusivity. Programs like 24x7 power supply (Jyoti Gram Yojana), improved water access, and better roads inherently benefit all residents regardless of identity. By focusing on universal access and transparent systems, Modi's model minimizes opportunities for discrimination and patronage politics.

5. Earthquake Rehabilitation: Turning Disaster into Opportunity

Within three years Modi managed to reconstruct Kutch from scratch.

Post-disaster chaos. The devastating 2001 earthquake in Kutch caused massive destruction, but initial relief and rehabilitation efforts under the previous government were slow, chaotic, and marred by allegations of corruption. People were left in temporary shelters for months.

New approach. Upon becoming CM, Modi made Kutch's reconstruction a top priority, transforming it into a model of efficient, people-centric governance:

  • Empowered local committees: Handing over reconstruction tasks and funds to village committees for schools and homes.
  • Material banks: Providing free construction materials to ensure quality and speed.
  • Fast-tracking rules: Rapidly modifying bureaucratic regulations that hindered progress.
  • Mobilizing society: Engaging NGOs, religious organizations, and citizens in the rebuilding effort.

World record speed. The comprehensive reconstruction of homes, villages, and urban centers was completed in 3-4 years, setting a global benchmark for post-disaster recovery. This included building earthquake-resistant structures and developing world-class infrastructure like roads, power, and water supply. The tragedy was indeed turned into an opportunity for unprecedented development in the region.

6. Muslims in Gujarat: Prosperity and Support for Modi, Not Fear

Today Muslims don’t feel discriminated against even though no development scheme has come in the name of minorities.

Economic progress. Contrary to the narrative of economic marginalization, Muslims in Gujarat have experienced significant upward mobility under Modi's rule. Indicators like increasing Zakat collections, high-end car sales to Muslims, and thriving Muslim-owned businesses (e.g., restaurants, SMEs) point to growing prosperity.

  • Gujarat Muslims' literacy rate is higher than the national average.
  • Poverty rate among Gujarati Muslims is significantly lower than the national average and in many other states.
  • Per capita income for rural and urban Muslims in Gujarat is higher than in many other states.

Voting patterns. The increasing percentage of Muslim votes for the BJP (31% in 2012) is attributed by many Gujarati Muslims not to fear, but to the tangible benefits of peace, stability, and economic opportunities. They see Modi's government as providing security and a level playing field for honest work and enterprise.

Political inclusion. While the absence of Muslim MLAs on BJP tickets is criticized, a significant and growing number of Muslims have won local body elections (Panchayats, Municipalities) on BJP tickets, indicating acceptance within the party at the grassroots level and a shift in Muslim political alignment.

7. Opposition Tactics: Flimsy Issues and Lawless Campaigns

The Congress Party’s visceral hatred of Modi came out in the very first election he fought from Rajkot in February 2002.

Desperate measures. Facing the loss of their traditional Muslim vote bank and threatened by Modi's effective governance, the Congress and its allies resorted to desperate and often unethical tactics from his very first election. This included:

  • Defamation and personal attacks: Spreading baseless rumors and salacious allegations against Modi.
  • Police and administrative complicity: Using influence to obstruct Modi's campaign activities (e.g., removing hoardings).
  • Instigating employees: Encouraging government employees to oppose Modi's reforms.

Keeping the pot boiling. Beyond the election, opponents actively tried to prolong and reignite communal violence after the initial phase was controlled. This included attempts to disrupt school exams, instigate clashes on religious festivals, and stage incidents to influence national political debates and media narratives.

Flimsy complaints. Many criticisms leveled against Modi are based on distortions or trivial incidents, such as the "action-reaction" quote taken out of context, the skullcap incident, or unrelated events like a mall entry fee or a private dispute. These are amplified by allied media to maintain the anti-Modi hysteria.

8. Media's Role: Distorting Facts and Fueling Animosity

One day when honest accounts of Gujarat riots begin to be written, the conduct of our national media, especially some of its reigning stars, in spreading a misinformation campaign against Gujarat, in adding fuel to the fire in pursuit of partisan politics, will be remembered as one of the darkest chapters in the history of post-independence India.

Biased coverage. The 2002 riots were the first major Indian conflict covered extensively by 24x7 TV, and much of this coverage was heavily biased against Modi and the Gujarat government. Certain media outlets and journalists actively amplified the narrative of a state-sponsored pogrom, often ignoring or downplaying facts that contradicted this view.

Fabrication and distortion. Specific instances of media misconduct include:

  • Spreading unverified or fabricated stories (e.g., the pregnant woman story, exaggerated temple damage).
  • Taking Modi's statements out of context (e.g., the "action-reaction" quote).
  • Refusing to publish corrections or clarifications from the government.
  • Giving disproportionate attention to anti-Modi voices while ignoring positive accounts from Gujarati Muslims.

Adding fuel to fire. By highlighting sensitive details like community names or specific religious structures under attack, and by portraying areas as unprotected, some media reports arguably exacerbated the violence and communal tensions. Reports by foreign media often relied on and amplified these distorted narratives.

9. Modi's Stance: Firmness Against Lawlessness, Not Communities

Because of the firm action taken by my government against anti-national elements, the underworld of Dubai, diverse terrorist organisations, as well as those elements in Gujarat who were providing them protection and shelter, are outraged and fired with the resolve to revenge themselves on Gujarat.

Cracking down on crime. Modi's government took determined action against criminal mafias, cross-border terrorists, and anti-national elements operating in Gujarat. This included seizing weapons, explosives, fake currency, and cracking down on organized crime syndicates.

Threatening vested interests. This firm stance threatened elements linked to political parties who had previously patronized these groups for votes or illicit activities. This contributed significantly to the opposition's desperation to remove Modi.

Disciplining the police. Modi worked to reform and discipline the police force, which had been politicized and communalized over decades. While defending the force against blanket condemnation, he also took steps to improve accountability and professionalism, marginalizing corrupt or partisan officers. This effort was also opposed by those who benefited from the old system.

Marginalizing troublemakers. Modi's government has effectively marginalized outfits like the VHP and Bajrang Dal, preventing them from instigating riots or disrupting law and order, unlike in previous regimes. This firmness against all forms of lawlessness, regardless of community, has contributed to the decade of peace in Gujarat.

10. Peace and Harmony: A Result of Effective Governance

Today, the Muslims are assured of that-they are not living in fear any more. And the doors of upward mobility, through entrepreneurial activity, have also been opened, even for rural Muslims.

Riot-free Gujarat. The most significant outcome of Modi's tenure is the unprecedented period of communal peace in Gujarat since 2002, a state previously notorious for frequent and prolonged riots. This stability is attributed to the government's firm hand in maintaining law and order and its impartial approach to dealing with troublemakers from all communities.

Improved inter-community relations. With the absence of politically engineered riots, social interaction and trust between Hindu and Muslim communities have begun to improve. Economic interdependence and shared participation in development initiatives have fostered a sense of collective well-being.

Inclusive prosperity. The economic growth and development initiatives under Modi have
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Review Summary

3.83 out of 5
Average of 100+ ratings from Goodreads and Amazon.

Modi, Muslims and Media presents an alternate perspective on Narendra Modi's tenure as Gujarat's chief minister, challenging media narratives. Readers found it eye-opening, well-researched, and revealing of media bias. Many praised its detailed analysis of the 2002 riots and Modi's governance. Some felt it was repetitive and overly positive towards Modi in parts. Overall, reviewers appreciated the book for providing a counter-narrative to mainstream portrayals, though some noted potential bias. Most found it informative and thought-provoking, recommending it for a balanced understanding of Modi's leadership.

Your rating:
4.26
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About the Author

Madhu Purnima Kishwar is an Indian academic, writer, and social activist. She is known for her work on women's rights and civil liberties. Kishwar has authored several books and founded the journal Manushi. Her writings often challenge mainstream narratives and offer alternative perspectives on social and political issues. With "Modi, Muslims and Media," Kishwar diverged from her usual focus to examine the media portrayal of Narendra Modi. Her approach in this book reflects her tendency to question established narratives and provide contrasting viewpoints, drawing on extensive research and personal interviews to support her arguments.

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