Lectures on the History of Political Philosophy

1. Hobbes's Secular Moralism: Reason Without Theology

These precepts, when generally followed, are the means of achieving peace and concord, and are necessary for the “conservation” and defense of “men in multitudes”.

Secular moral system. Hobbes's political philosophy, particularly in Leviathan, can be understood as a self-contained secular system, independent of theological assumptions. Concepts like natural right, natural law, and the state of nature can be defined and explicated without resorting to religious explanations. This secular approach was considered an offense to the Christian orthodoxy of his time, which believed religion was essential to understanding political and moral systems.

Laws of nature. The laws of nature, which Hobbes describes as precepts found out by reason, are essentially dictates of reason aimed at self-preservation and social peace. These laws, such as seeking peace and honoring covenants, can be understood and followed without any theological basis. While Hobbes acknowledges that these dictates can be seen as God's commands, their content and the obligation to follow them remain the same within the secular framework.

Materialism aside. Hobbes's materialism, while present, does not significantly influence the content of his secular moral system. His psychology and political thought are derived from common sense observation and classical literature, rather than from mechanical principles. The ideas of the State of Nature and the Social Contract can stand on their own, independent of any materialistic underpinnings.

2. The State of Nature: A Constant Threat of War

[A] state of war consists “not in battle only, or the act of fighting . . . but in the known disposition thereto, during all the time there is no assurance to the contrary”.

State of war. Hobbes argues that the state of nature, characterized by the absence of an effective sovereign, inevitably devolves into a state of war. This state of war is not merely active conflict, but a constant disposition to fight, driven by the inherent features of human nature. This thesis is central to Hobbes's justification for a strong, centralized authority.

Human equality. The equality in natural endowments, combined with the scarcity of resources, leads to competition and insecurity. Even the weakest individual possesses the capacity to threaten the strongest, creating a pervasive sense of fear and distrust. This equality of vulnerability fuels the drive for self-preservation and anticipatory aggression.

Self-centered psychology. Human psychology, being largely self-centered, prioritizes self-preservation and the means to a commodious life. While Hobbes acknowledges the capacity for benevolence and virtue, he emphasizes that these are insufficient to maintain social order in the absence of a sovereign. The constant possibility of degeneration into a state of war necessitates a strong, effective sovereign to ensure peace and security.

3. Practical Reasoning: Rationality vs. Reasonableness

That which gives to human Actions the relish of Justice, is a certain Nobleness or Gallantness of courage, (rarely found,) by which a man scorns to be beholden for the contentment of his life, to fraud, or breach of promise.

Rationality and reasonableness. Hobbes's account of practical reasoning emphasizes rationality, focusing on the efficient pursuit of self-interest. This contrasts with reasonableness, which involves fair terms of cooperation and consideration for others. Hobbes justifies reasonable principles, such as honoring covenants, in terms of their rational benefit, provided others follow them.

Laws of nature. The Laws of Nature, while seemingly reasonable, are ultimately justified by their rational benefit in achieving self-preservation and a commodious life. The Sovereign's role is to ensure that others comply with these laws, making it rational for each individual to follow them. This approach prioritizes individual self-interest as the foundation for social order.

Self-centered ends. Hobbes's political conception emphasizes self-related ends, such as self-preservation, conjugal affections, and the means to a commodious life. While he acknowledges the capacity for benevolence and virtue, he focuses on these fundamental interests as the basis for social unity. This emphasis on self-centeredness shapes his account of practical reasoning and the role of the Sovereign.

4. The Sovereign's Role: Stabilizing Society

Philosophy is . . . the Knowledge acquired by Reasoning, from the Manner of the Generation of any thing to the Properties; or from the Properties, to some possible Way of Generation of the same; to the end to be able to produce, as far as matter, and human force permit, such Effects, as human life requireth.

Maintaining social order. The Sovereign's primary role is to stabilize society and maintain a state of peace by enforcing the Laws of Nature. This is achieved through the effective imposition of sanctions that deter individuals from acting on their passions and disrupting social order. The Sovereign's effectiveness is crucial for ensuring compliance and preventing a return to the state of nature.

Social contract. The social contract, whether viewed as a historical event or a hypothetical agreement, serves to secure an already existing stable government. It provides a point of view for showing why everyone has an overriding and fundamental interest in supporting an effective Sovereign. This support is essential for preventing the collapse of society into a state of war.

Hypothetical interpretation. The social contract can be interpreted as a hypothetical covenant that rational individuals would enter into to secure their fundamental interests. This interpretation emphasizes the ever-present danger of civil conflict and the need for a strong, effective Sovereign to maintain peace and concord. The focus is on the turmoil and civil strife of Hobbes's time, with the Sovereign providing the only remedy.

5. Locke's Natural Law: Inherent Rights and Limitations

The State of Nature has a Law of Nature to govern it, which obliges every one: And Reason, which is that Law, teaches all Mankind, who will but consult it, that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his Life, Health, Liberty, or Possessions.

Natural law tradition. Locke's doctrine of natural law is rooted in the belief that it is part of God's law, knowable through reason. This law dictates that all individuals possess inherent rights, including the rights to life, health, liberty, and possessions. These rights are not granted by any earthly authority but are derived from God's will and the order of nature.

Fundamental law of nature. The fundamental law of nature, according to Locke, is the preservation of mankind. This law obliges every individual to preserve themselves and, when their own preservation is not at stake, to preserve others. This principle forms the basis for Locke's conception of natural rights and the limitations on individual freedom.

Political judgments. Locke's conception of natural law provides an independent order of moral and political values by which political judgments of justice and the common good are assessed. This contrasts with political liberalism, which does not necessarily assert or deny the existence of such an independent order. Locke's view emphasizes the importance of adhering to these values in political and social institutions.

6. Legitimate Regime: Consent and Limited Government

Men being, as has been said, by Nature, all free, equal and independent, no one can be put out of this Estate, and subjected to the Political Power of another, without his own Consent.

Consent as the basis. Locke's fundamental thesis is that legitimate political power can only be founded on the consent of the governed. This principle stems from the natural freedom, equality, and independence of individuals. No one can be subjected to the political power of another without their own agreement.

Social compact. The social compact is the means by which individuals unite into a community and establish a government. This compact is an agreement among individuals to join together for their comfortable, safe, and peaceable living, with a secure enjoyment of their properties. The majority then has the right to act and conclude the rest.

Political power. Political power, for Locke, is not merely strength or force but a complex of rights possessed by a legitimate political regime. This power is a fiduciary power, a trust held for certain ends, and is always subordinate to the fundamental law of nature. The legitimacy of a regime depends on its adherence to these principles and its protection of individual rights.

7. Property and Class: The Uneasy Balance in Locke's System

The only way whereby any one divests himself of his Natural Liberty and puts on the bonds of Civil Society is by agreeing with other men to join and unite into a Community, for their comfortable, safe, and peaceable living one amongst another, in a secure Enjoyment of their Properties, and a greater Security against any that are not of it.

Class state. Locke's social contract doctrine may justify or allow for inequalities in basic political rights and liberties, such as restricting the right to vote to property owners. This raises the question of whether a class state, where political rule is exercised only by those who own a certain amount of property, is consistent with his social contract doctrine. The challenge is to reconcile this class-based system with the principles of equality and consent.

Property rights. Locke's account of property is central to understanding his view of a legitimate regime. He argues that individuals have a natural right to property, derived from their labor and the mixing of that labor with natural resources. However, this right is subject to certain limitations, such as the requirement that enough and as good be left for others.

Ideal history. A constitutional class state might be thought to come about in the course of ideal history, where individuals act rationally and reasonably to advance their interests. This scenario involves a social compact that reflects the existing distribution of property and the bargaining power of different groups. The key is to demonstrate that such a state is consistent with Locke's basic ideas, even if it falls short of a fully egalitarian ideal.

8. Hume's Utilitarianism: Utility as the Basis of Justice

To him, who considers the world in a general, and, as it were, a philosophical view, nothing appears more inexplicable than the origin of justice.

Rejection of social contract. Hume rejects the social contract as the basis for political obligation, arguing that it is neither historically accurate nor philosophically sound. He contends that most governments arise from conquest or usurpation, not from the consent of the governed. Furthermore, he argues that the idea of tacit consent is often illusory, as people are rarely in a position to freely choose their government.

Utility as the foundation. Hume proposes that utility, or the general interests and necessities of society, is the true foundation of justice and political obligation. He argues that rules of justice, such as those protecting property and enforcing contracts, are beneficial to society as a whole and are therefore upheld. This emphasis on utility reflects Hume's empiricist and naturalistic approach to morality.

Artificial virtue. Hume views justice as an "artificial virtue," meaning that it is not based on innate human sentiments but on conventions and social constructs that promote the common good. These conventions arise from the recognition that social order and cooperation are essential for human well-being. The rules of justice are therefore upheld because they are useful, not because they are inherently right or divinely ordained.

9. The Judicious Spectator: Impartiality and Moral Judgment

It is confessedly the interest of each individual, that contracts should be fulfilled, fidelity be maintained, and the community of mankind be placed on a secure basis.

Moral judgments. Hume's account of moral judgment centers on the concept of the "judicious spectator," an impartial observer who assesses actions and character traits based on their tendency to promote social happiness. This perspective allows for a more objective and consistent evaluation of moral qualities. The judicious spectator is not influenced by personal biases or self-interest but by a broader concern for the well-being of society.

Principle of humanity. The principle of humanity, or fellow-feeling, is the psychological mechanism that enables us to take the perspective of the judicious spectator. This principle allows us to identify with the interests and concerns of others, even when our own interests are not directly affected. It is through this capacity for sympathy that we can make impartial moral judgments.

Agreement in moral judgment. Hume argues that agreement in moral judgment is possible because we share a common human nature and a capacity for sympathy. By taking the perspective of the judicious spectator, we can transcend our individual biases and arrive at a shared understanding of what is beneficial for society as a whole. This shared understanding forms the basis for moral consensus and social order.

10. Rousseau's Social Contract: Freedom Through Collective Will

Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains.

Social contract. Rousseau's Social Contract seeks to reconcile individual freedom with the authority of the state. He argues that legitimate political authority can only arise from a social contract in which individuals voluntarily surrender their individual wills to the collective will of the community. This surrender, however, is not a loss of freedom but a transformation of it.

General will. The general will is the collective will of the citizens, aimed at the common good. It is not simply the sum of individual wills but a unified expression of what is best for the community as a whole. By submitting to the general will, individuals are not подчиняясь to an external force but to their own collective decision.

Moral freedom. Rousseau argues that the social contract transforms natural freedom into civil and moral freedom. Natural freedom is the unlimited right to do whatever one pleases, while civil freedom is limited by the general will. Moral freedom, however, is the most important, as it consists in obedience to a law that one has prescribed to oneself. This is the key to reconciling individual autonomy with political authority.

11. The General Will: Justice, Equality, and Moral Freedom

The general will is always right, but the judgment that guides it is not always enlightened.

Point of view. The point of view of the general will is not utilitarian, aiming to maximize the sum of individual happiness. Instead, it focuses on the common good, defined as the social conditions that enable all citizens to realize their fundamental interests. This perspective prioritizes the well-being of the community as a whole.

Justice and equality. The general will is always rightful because it springs from all and applies to all. It is rooted in the fundamental interests shared by all citizens, including the desire for freedom, equality, and personal independence. By acting in accordance with the general will, citizens promote justice and ensure that the benefits of society are shared equitably.

Moral and civil freedom. The general will is essential for achieving both civil and moral freedom. Civil freedom is the liberty to pursue one's aims within the limits of the law, while moral freedom is the autonomy that comes from obeying laws that one has prescribed to oneself. By participating in the formation of the general will, citizens become both authors and subjects of the law, thereby realizing their full potential as free and rational beings.

12. Marx's Critique: Capitalism as Exploitation

The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point, however, is to change it.

Class society. Marx views capitalism as a class society characterized by the exploitation of the working class by the capitalist class. This exploitation arises from the private ownership of the means of production, which allows capitalists to appropriate the surplus labor of workers. Unlike slavery and feudalism, this exploitation is concealed beneath the surface of free market exchanges.

Labor theory of value. Marx's labor theory of value seeks to uncover the hidden mechanisms of capitalist exploitation. It posits that the value of a commodity is determined by the socially necessary labor time required for its production. Surplus value, the source of capitalist profit, is derived from the unpaid labor of workers.

Society of freely associated producers. Marx envisions a communist society as one of freely associated producers, where the means of production are collectively owned and controlled. In this society, there is no exploitation, alienation, or ideological consciousness. The goal is to create a society where human labor is used for the benefit of all, not for the enrichment of a few.

Last updated: February 4, 2025