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"They Take Our Jobs!"

"They Take Our Jobs!"

And 20 Other Myths about Immigration
by Aviva Chomsky 2007 264 pages
4.07
500+ ratings
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12 minutes

Key Takeaways

1. Immigration is shaped by global economic inequality and historical ties

Colonization creates cultural ties. It brings people from the metropolis (the colonizing power) to the colony and places them in positions of power while destroying local institutions.

Global inequality drives migration. The wealth of industrialized nations like the United States was built in part through the exploitation of resources and labor from colonized regions. This created enduring economic disparities between countries, as well as cultural and linguistic connections. As a result, migration tends to flow from former colonies to their former colonizers.

Historical relationships structure migration patterns. For example, Puerto Rico has sent a greater proportion of its population to the mainland U.S. than any other place, due to its status as a U.S. territory. Similarly, the Philippines has been a major source of immigrants due to its history as a U.S. colony. These longstanding ties, combined with economic motivations, help explain why certain countries become major sources of immigration while others do not.

2. Immigrants contribute positively to the U.S. economy and pay taxes

According to the New York Times, "illegal immigrant workers in the United States are now providing the system with a subsidy of as much as $7 billion a year."

Immigrants pay various taxes. Regardless of legal status, immigrants pay sales taxes, property taxes (through rent or home ownership), and gasoline taxes. Many also pay income and Social Security taxes, even if they are undocumented and using false Social Security numbers. In fact, the Social Security Administration receives billions in payments from unauthorized workers who will never be able to claim benefits.

Economic contributions outweigh costs. Multiple studies have found that immigrants generally pay more in taxes than they receive in public services. This is partly because many public benefits are restricted for non-citizens, and partly because immigrants tend to be of prime working age. While there can be short-term costs at the local level for services like education, over time immigrants and their descendants tend to be net economic contributors.

3. Border militarization causes deaths without reducing immigration

Between 1995, when "Operation Gatekeeper" went into effect, and the end of 2004, some three thousand died crossing the border, most in the deserts of Arizona, as the crossing points have been pushed farther and farther east.

Deadly consequences of enforcement. Increased border militarization since the 1990s has not significantly reduced unauthorized crossings. Instead, it has pushed migrants to attempt more dangerous desert crossings, resulting in thousands of deaths. The main impact has been to make border crossing more lethal and expensive, benefiting smuggling operations.

Unintended effects on migration patterns. Paradoxically, harsher border enforcement has led many undocumented immigrants to stay longer in the U.S. and bring their families, rather than engaging in circular migration. The average stay of undocumented Mexican immigrants rose from 40 weeks in 1993 to 70 weeks by 2002. The undocumented population has also shifted to include more women and children as family reunification becomes more difficult and dangerous.

4. U.S. policies and interventions drive migration from Latin America

When the bracero program (which served mostly the Southwest) was ended in 1964, the demand for cheap, exploitable, temporary workers didn't evaporate—in fact it was increasing, due to the structural changes in the economy described earlier.

Economic policies create migration pressures. U.S.-backed neoliberal economic reforms in Latin America, including free trade agreements like NAFTA, have often disrupted local economies and displaced workers. For example, subsidized U.S. corn flooding Mexican markets bankrupted many small farmers. At the same time, U.S. employers actively recruit immigrant labor to fill low-wage jobs.

Political interventions fuel instability. U.S. military interventions and support for repressive regimes in countries like Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua in the 1980s led to violence and economic disruption that drove many to flee northward. Even after conflicts officially ended, the economic devastation continued to spur migration.

5. Anti-immigrant sentiment often stems from economic insecurity

Decisions and policies made by governments and by corporations are the main factors that determine wage levels. Global—and local—inequalities allow economies to sustain a low-wage, secondary-sector labor market.

Scapegoating immigrants. Many Americans feel economically insecure due to stagnant wages, job losses, and deteriorating public services resulting from decades of neoliberal economic policies. Politicians and media figures often exploit these anxieties by scapegoating immigrants, even though immigration is not the root cause of these problems.

Public opinion more nuanced. Despite inflammatory rhetoric, polls show that most Americans support a path to legalization for undocumented immigrants. Those who live in areas with high immigrant populations tend to have more positive views of immigrants than those in low-immigration areas, suggesting that direct experience often counters negative stereotypes.

6. Assimilation for immigrants of color can mean downward mobility

When West Indians lose their distinctiveness as immigrants or ethnics they become not just Americans, but black Americans.

Racial hierarchies shape assimilation. Unlike earlier European immigrants who could eventually "become white," today's immigrants of color often find that assimilation means joining the lower rungs of America's racial hierarchy. This can result in downward mobility over generations as immigrant optimism fades and children encounter systemic barriers.

Education not always a path up. Studies have found that the most recently arrived immigrant students often have the highest aspirations and strongest belief in the American dream. As they become more "Americanized," however, they often lose this optimism as they encounter the realities of racial inequality. Higher education does not always lead to proportionally higher incomes for people of color compared to whites.

7. Immigration laws have historically reflected and reinforced racial hierarchies

Until the Civil War, federal statutes took for granted, and upheld the notion, that citizenship and rights should be based on race, and that rights depended upon citizenship, which was reserved for white people.

Racial exclusion in citizenship laws. From 1790 to 1952, U.S. naturalization laws explicitly restricted citizenship to white people, with limited exceptions added for people of African descent after the Civil War. Asian immigrants were barred from citizenship and subject to exclusion laws. These racial restrictions allowed for discrimination without violating equal protection for citizens.

Shift to nationality-based quotas. The 1924 immigration law created a quota system based on national origins that heavily favored northern and western Europeans while excluding most Asians and Africans. Though overtly racial language was removed in later reforms, the effects of these earlier policies continue to shape immigration patterns and racial demographics today.

8. Guest worker programs create an exploitable underclass of laborers

Braceros could perfectly control the labor supply, first opening the gates and then closing them, deporting workers when the season ended or when the depression began.

Temporary status limits rights. Guest worker programs like the Bracero Program (1942-1964) have historically created a class of workers with limited rights and protections. Unable to change employers or settle permanently, guest workers are vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. Even when programs officially end, the established patterns of labor recruitment often continue through unauthorized channels.

Meeting employer demands. These programs are typically created to meet employer demands for cheap, flexible labor in sectors like agriculture. They allow businesses to externalize the costs of social reproduction, as workers return to their home countries in the off-season or when no longer needed. This parallels how slavery allowed plantation owners to avoid the costs of raising and supporting a workforce.

9. Learning English remains a priority for most immigrants

According to the study, 92 percent of Hispanics believed that it was "very important" that the children of immigrants be taught English, compared to 87 percent of non-Hispanic whites and 83 percent of non-Hispanic blacks.

Strong desire to learn English. Contrary to popular misconceptions, studies show that Latino immigrants place a high value on learning English. Many ESL programs have long waiting lists due to high demand. By the third generation, most immigrant families become predominantly English-speaking, following historical patterns.

Bilingual education debate misunderstood. Attacks on bilingual education programs often mischaracterize their intent and effectiveness. Research shows that students who receive instruction in their native language while learning English tend to perform better academically in the long run. The debate over these programs often reflects broader anxieties about demographic change rather than pedagogical evidence.

10. A more just global economic system would reduce migration pressures

If our goal is to slow migration, then the best way to do so is to work for a more equitable global system. But slowing migration is an odd goal, if the real problem is global inequality.

Address root causes. Rather than focusing on restricting immigration, a more effective and ethical approach would be to address the global inequalities and economic pressures that drive migration. This could include debt forgiveness for developing countries, fairer trade policies, and supporting sustainable local development.

Rethink border policies. Current border militarization policies have proven ineffective at reducing immigration while causing significant human suffering. A more humane approach would prioritize safe, legal channels for migration while working to improve conditions in sending countries so that migration becomes a choice rather than a necessity.

Expand rights and protections. Extending full legal rights and labor protections to all workers, regardless of immigration status, would reduce exploitation and improve conditions for both immigrant and native-born workers. This would help address the legitimate economic anxieties that often fuel anti-immigrant sentiment.

Last updated:

Review Summary

4.07 out of 5
Average of 500+ ratings from Goodreads and Amazon.

"They Take Our Jobs!" And 20 Other Myths About Immigration receives mostly positive reviews for its well-researched debunking of common immigration myths. Readers appreciate Chomsky's historical context, clear writing, and thorough analysis of complex issues. Many find the book eye-opening and informative, praising its ability to challenge misconceptions. Some critics feel it lacks sufficient citations in places or may not change strongly held opposing views. Overall, reviewers recommend it as an important resource for understanding immigration debates, though some note its leftist perspective.

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About the Author

Aviva Chomsky is a distinguished academic specializing in Latin American studies and history. As a professor at Salem State University, she has authored several books and coordinated the Latin American Studies program. Chomsky's expertise extends beyond academia, as she has been actively involved in Latin American solidarity and immigrants' rights advocacy for over 25 years. Her background combines scholarly research with practical activism, providing a unique perspective on immigration issues. Based in Salem, Massachusetts, Chomsky's work continues to contribute significantly to the understanding of Latin American history and contemporary immigration debates.

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