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We Have Never Been Woke

We Have Never Been Woke

The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite
by Musa al-Gharbi 2024 432 pages
4.31
100+ ratings
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Key Takeaways

1. "Wokeness" as Symbolic Capital for a New Elite

What is often referred to as “wokeness” can be fruitfully understood as the ruling ideology of this increasingly dominant elite formation.

Symbolic Capital Defined. In today's society, power isn't just about money; it's about prestige, honor, and recognition, which are forms of symbolic capital. Cultural, academic, and political capital are all types of symbolic capital that elites use to define who's in and who's out. This capital influences how people are seen and treated in society.

Wokeness as a Status Symbol. "Wokeness," with its emphasis on social justice, has become a key way for symbolic capitalists to show they're part of the elite. It signals that they understand and can perform the right cultural and intellectual scripts. This isn't about genuine concern for the marginalized; it's about demonstrating elite status.

Exclusionary Nature. This embrace of "wokeness" also creates a basis for excluding those who don't conform. Those who fail to embrace elite conceptions of social justice are deemed unworthy of honor, fame, or deference. It's a way of maintaining boundaries and reinforcing the power of the symbolic capitalist class.

2. The Great Awokening: A Recurring Cycle

Since the rise of the symbolic professions, there have been three other Great Awokenings.

Not a New Phenomenon. The "Great Awokening," the recent surge in social justice discourse, isn't unique. History shows similar periods of heightened awareness and activism among elites, particularly since the rise of symbolic professions. These "Awokenings" tend to follow a pattern.

Historical Parallels. By studying past Awokenings, we can understand the circumstances that trigger them, why they fade, and what they change. Comparing these episodes helps us see how elites have used social justice discourse to advance their own interests, both in the past and today.

Elite Competition. These periods of heightened social justice discourse provide opportunities to study how symbolic capitalists leverage these ideas in their own power struggles. By examining past and present Awokenings, we can better understand the dynamics at play and who benefits from these shifts.

3. Symbolic Capitalists: The New Power Elite

Symbolic capitalists are among the primary “winners” in the prevailing socioeconomic order.

Beyond the 1%. It's a mistake to focus solely on the top 1% of income earners when analyzing power. Symbolic capitalists, those who control the means of symbolic production (academics, journalists, consultants), wield significant influence. They shape narratives, influence policy, and legitimize the social order.

Beneficiaries of Inequality. Symbolic capitalists are not outside the system; they are a core part of it. They benefit from the inequalities they often decry. Their lifestyles and social positions are heavily reliant on exploitation and exclusion, particularly of women, minorities, and the economically vulnerable.

Elite Denial. Many symbolic capitalists don't see themselves as elites, but they are. They resent social elites, yet they are social elites. Understanding this contradiction is key to understanding how power operates in society today.

4. Postmaterialist Politics: Symbols over Substance

By the end of the chapter, readers will have a good sense of why it is that symbolic capitalists’ approach to social justice focuses so intensely on symbols, rhetoric, and culture war issues instead of the “bread and butter” struggles that other Americans are most concerned about.

Unique Political Preferences. Symbolic capitalists have distinct political preferences and modes of engagement, often out of step with most Americans. This is due to their socioeconomic position and cognitive profiles. As their influence grows, they reshape the Democratic Party and the broader political landscape.

Focus on Symbols. Symbolic capitalists tend to focus on symbols, rhetoric, and culture war issues rather than "bread and butter" struggles. This is because their own material needs are often met, allowing them to prioritize postmaterialist concerns like social justice and identity.

Reshaping the Democratic Party. As symbolic capitalists have become increasingly influential within the Democratic Party, they have reshaped its platform and priorities. This has led to a disconnect between the party and the concerns of many working-class Americans.

5. The Moral Culture of Symbolic Capitalists: Identity as Totem

Among contemporary symbolic economy professionals, it is not enough to merely present oneself as an advocate for the vulnerable and the downtrodden—many of us also try to present ourselves as literal embodiments or representatives of historically marginalized and disadvantaged groups.

Harnessing Symbolic Capital. Contemporary elites are trying to harness a novel form of symbolic capital by presenting themselves as racial and ethnic minorities, gender and sexual minorities, neurodivergent, physically disabled, or allies of the same. This is driven by a perception that these groups hold special moral authority.

The Victimhood Hierarchy. There's a widespread perception among symbolic capitalists that cisgender, heterosexual, able-bodied, white men are responsible for most of the world's problems. Those from historically marginalized groups are viewed as more moral, interesting, and innovative.

Incentives for Identification. To lay claim to these benefits, symbolic capitalists have strong incentives to understand and describe themselves as victims, and to associate themselves with minority identity groups. Many stretch the truth to portray themselves this way, ignoring inconvenient realities like their class positions.

6. Wokeness as a Mystification of Social Processes

Chapter 6 will highlight some of the ways symbolic capitalists leverage wokeness to obscure unpalatable truths from themselves and others.

Obscuring Unpalatable Truths. Symbolic capitalists leverage wokeness to obscure unpalatable truths from themselves and others. Our sincere commitments to antiracism, feminism, and LGBTQ rights can blind us to the role we play in the social order, including exploiting and perpetuating inequalities.

Reinforcing Social Position. Social justice discourse is often deployed to reinforce our own social position, delegitimize rivals, and deflect blame for social problems onto others. This is not necessarily a conscious strategy, but rather a function of how our minds work.

Sincere Beliefs, Unequal Outcomes. Symbolic capitalists likely believe the things they say, but these beliefs don't always translate into egalitarian behaviors, relationships, or states of affairs. Our sincere commitment to social justice can lend an unearned sense of morality to our endeavors, even when they perpetuate inequalities.

7. Analytic Egalitarianism: A Call for Reflexivity

In this text, efforts to avoid racialized, gendered, and other forms of double standards will be realized in the form of “analytical egalitarianism.”

Avoiding Double Standards. This book adopts "analytical egalitarianism," discussing the behaviors of people from more and less "privileged" groups in equivalent terms. This is a radical commitment, as scholars often analyze these groups asymmetrically.

Eliminating Exemptions. Behaviors that are condemned when carried out by the "dominant" group are often interpreted differently, and often praised, when carried out by "others." This book eliminates these exemptions, applying the same standards to all.

Reflexivity and Understanding. By folding ourselves and our allies into the analytical picture, we can get a much richer understanding of how social problems arise and persist, and what can be done about them. This requires a willingness to critique our own behaviors and beliefs.

8. The Hollow Core of Inclusion: Skin Deep at Best

The problem, in short, is not that symbolic capitalists are too woke, but that we’ve never been woke.

Positive Changes, Persistent Inequalities. While symbolic capitalists have reshaped symbolic landscapes in positive ways, overt discrimination has declined, and representation has increased, socioeconomic inequalities have continued to grow. The benefits of these symbolic shifts have accrued to a narrow band of elites.

Diminished Solidarity. As formal barriers have been dismantled, there's a growing sense that those who are unsuccessful deserve their lot. There's diminished solidarity across lines of difference and a reduced willingness to make redistributive investments.

Superficial Inclusion. Heightened demographic inclusion has been accompanied by a growing homogenization of identity and increased parochialism against divergent perspectives. Inclusion tends to be little more than skin deep at most symbolic economy institutions.

Last updated:

Review Summary

4.31 out of 5
Average of 100+ ratings from Goodreads and Amazon.

We Have Never Been Woke offers a critical analysis of "symbolic capitalists" - highly educated professionals who champion social justice causes while benefiting from inequality. Al-Gharbi argues that wokeness serves as cultural capital for elites, often contradicting their actions. The book examines how this class appropriates progressive language without effecting real change, perpetuating systemic issues. Readers found the book thought-provoking and challenging, praising its insights while noting occasional repetition and dense academic language. Many felt compelled to reevaluate their own beliefs and social positions after reading.

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About the Author

Musa al-Gharbi is a sociologist and writer known for his critical analysis of social and political issues. He currently teaches at Columbia University and has gained recognition for his insightful commentary on contemporary cultural phenomena. Al-Gharbi's work often challenges prevailing narratives and examines the complex intersections of race, class, and politics in American society. His research focuses on how elite groups shape public discourse and policy, particularly in the realm of social justice. Al-Gharbi's writing has appeared in various academic and popular publications, and he is known for his ability to present nuanced arguments that provoke reflection and debate.

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