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Wilmington's Lie

Wilmington's Lie

The Murderous Coup of 1898 and the Rise of White Supremacy
by David Zucchino 2020 426 pages
4.43
3k+ ratings
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Key Takeaways

1. Wilmington's Fragile Racial Harmony: A City on the Brink

In 1898, a field representative for the American Baptist Publication Society called Wilmington “the freest town for a negro in the country.”

A City of Contradictions. Wilmington, North Carolina, in 1898, was a city of stark contrasts. While it was considered one of the most integrated cities in the South, with black professionals and a thriving black middle class, it was also a place where racial tensions simmered beneath the surface. This fragile harmony was constantly threatened by the deep-seated racism of the white planter class, who resented any form of black advancement.

  • Black men held a small fraction of elected and appointed positions, including aldermen, police officers, and health inspectors.
  • Black merchants sold goods at the city's public market, a rarity for a Southern town.
  • Black men delivered mail and worked alongside white women in the post office.
  • Black professionals ran law firms and doctors' offices, serving their own race.

Intolerable Situation. For whites, this level of black participation in public life was an intolerable situation. They viewed it as a loss of control and a threat to their social and economic dominance. This resentment was fueled by the fear that black men would seize white jobs, dominate the courts, and rape white women. The city was a powder keg waiting for a spark.

The Illusion of Progress. Despite the outward signs of integration, the reality for black residents was one of constant vulnerability. They were subject to the whims of white police officers, who often arrested them on trumped-up charges. They were denied equal access to public services and were often the targets of violence and intimidation. The city's black population lived in a state of precarious freedom, always aware of the potential for a violent backlash.

2. The Rise of White Supremacy: Waddell's Call to Action

“Nigger lawyers are sassing white men in courts; nigger root doctors are crowding white physicians out of business,” complained Colonel Alfred Moore Waddell.

Waddell's Leadership. Colonel Alfred Moore Waddell, a former Confederate officer, emerged as the leading voice of white supremacy in Wilmington. He was a skilled orator who used his words to incite fear and hatred of black citizens. He was a product of the white planter aristocracy, and he believed that whites were destined to rule over blacks.

  • Waddell had been a Unionist before the Civil War, but he quickly changed his views to align with the prevailing sentiment of white supremacy.
  • He used his position to publicly dictate the terms of postwar race relations, asserting that whites would continue to rule and blacks would continue to obey.
  • He advised blacks to leave Wilmington and find work in the countryside, leaving the city for whites.

The "Cake and Wine" Influence. Waddell and other white leaders were able to manipulate some Union officers through the "cake and wine" influence, a reference to the extravagant hospitality of the Cape Fear region. This allowed white supremacists to regain control of local government and to violently suppress any attempts by blacks to assert their rights.

A Call to Arms. Waddell's speeches were not just words; they were a call to action. He encouraged white men to arm themselves and to be prepared to use violence to maintain white supremacy. He helped create a climate of fear and intimidation that would ultimately lead to the deadly events of November 1898.

3. Black Resistance and Resilience: Galloway's Legacy

“If the Negro knows how to use the cartridge box, he knows how to use the ballot box.”

Galloway's Defiance. Abraham Galloway, an escaped slave and Union spy, was a powerful force for black resistance in Wilmington. He was a charismatic leader who demanded full citizenship rights for black men, including the right to vote. He was a stark contrast to the more accommodating black leaders of the time.

  • Galloway organized mass political meetings of freed slaves, demanding education and the right to vote.
  • He mocked white hypocrisy and challenged the white power structure.
  • He helped raise black Union regiments during the Civil War, demonstrating the willingness of black men to fight for their freedom.

A Legacy of Resistance. Galloway's legacy of defiance inspired a new generation of black leaders in Wilmington, including Alexander Manly. These men were not content to accept the status quo. They demanded equal rights and opportunities, and they were willing to fight for them.

The Limits of Freedom. Despite the end of slavery, black men and women in Wilmington faced constant discrimination and violence. They were denied equal access to education, jobs, and public services. They were subject to the whims of white police officers and the terror of white vigilantes. Yet, they continued to fight for their rights, demonstrating remarkable resilience in the face of overwhelming odds.

4. The Seeds of Discontent: Economic and Political Tensions

The white man’s happiness cannot be purchased by the black man’s misery.

Economic Disparity. The economic landscape of Wilmington was deeply divided along racial lines. While some black men achieved success as entrepreneurs and professionals, most were relegated to low-paying jobs as laborers and servants. This economic disparity fueled resentment among working-class whites, who felt that blacks were taking their jobs.

  • Black men worked in the naval stores industry, in lumber mills, and as stevedores on the docks.
  • They were often paid less than their white counterparts for the same work.
  • Black businesses were often denied access to capital and other resources.

Political Disenfranchisement. After Reconstruction, white supremacists worked to undermine the black vote through intimidation and fraud. They created a system of political disenfranchisement that effectively denied black men the right to participate in the democratic process.

  • The Democratic Party used race-baiting tactics to rally white voters.
  • They passed laws that made it difficult for blacks to register and vote.
  • They used violence and intimidation to keep blacks away from the polls.

The Rise of Fusion. In the 1890s, a political alliance known as Fusion emerged, uniting black Republicans and white Populists against the Democratic Party. This alliance briefly challenged white supremacy in North Carolina, but it also provoked a violent backlash from white supremacists.

5. The White Supremacy Campaign: Fear, Propaganda, and Violence

“Shall MARRIAGE BETWEEN NEGROES and WHITES —amalgamation —be allowed?” the Wilmington Journal asked white readers. “Arise then, ye men of unmixed blood, the pure blood of the country, and put down this Radical platform.”

The "Negro Problem." Josephus Daniels, editor of the News and Observer, and Furnifold Simmons, chairman of the Democratic Party, led a campaign to restore white supremacy in North Carolina. They used fear, propaganda, and violence to achieve their goals. They framed the issue as a "Negro problem," arguing that black men were unfit to govern and posed a threat to white women.

  • They warned that black men would seize white jobs, dominate the courts, and rape white women.
  • They used racist caricatures and stereotypes to dehumanize black people.
  • They created a climate of fear and paranoia that made violence seem inevitable.

The Power of Propaganda. Daniels and Simmons used their newspapers to spread lies and misinformation about black people. They published sensational stories about black men raping white women, even though such incidents were rare. They used cartoons and other visual aids to reinforce racist stereotypes.

Red Shirts and Intimidation. The Democratic Party organized armed white men into groups known as Red Shirts. These groups patrolled black neighborhoods, intimidating and terrorizing black families. They used violence to suppress black voting and to enforce white supremacy.

6. The Wilmington Massacre: A Planned Coup, Not a Riot

“The true soldiers, whether they wore the gray or the blue, are now united in their opposition—call it conspiracy and resistance if you will—to negro government and NEGRO EQUALITY.”

A Premeditated Attack. The events of November 10, 1898, were not a spontaneous riot. They were a carefully planned coup d'état by Wilmington's white elite. The coup leaders had been plotting for months to overthrow the city's multiracial government and to restore white supremacy.

  • They stockpiled weapons and organized armed groups.
  • They used propaganda to incite white violence.
  • They created a climate of fear and intimidation that made it impossible for black citizens to defend themselves.

The Burning of the Record. The coup began with the burning of the Daily Record, a black-owned newspaper that had dared to challenge white supremacy. The burning of the Record was a symbolic act, designed to silence black voices and to send a message to the city's black population.

The Killings. After the burning of the Record, white mobs roamed the streets, killing black men with impunity. They targeted black leaders and ordinary citizens alike. The violence was brutal and indiscriminate, and it left a lasting scar on the city.

  • Black men were shot in the streets, in their homes, and in their workplaces.
  • Black families were forced to flee the city, leaving behind their homes and possessions.
  • The city's black community was terrorized and traumatized by the violence.

7. The Aftermath: Disenfranchisement, Segregation, and Exile

“Justice Is Satisfied, Vengeance Is Cruel”

Forced Resignations and Banishment. After the killings, the white supremacists forced the city's Fusionist mayor and police chief to resign. They replaced them with white Democrats. They also banished black leaders and white Republicans from the city, forcing them to flee for their lives.

  • Black men were forced to leave their homes and businesses.
  • White Republicans were targeted for their support of black rights.
  • The city's multiracial government was replaced by an all-white regime.

The Grandfather Clause. The Democratic legislature passed a suffrage amendment that included a "grandfather clause," which effectively disenfranchised black voters while allowing illiterate whites to vote. This law was designed to ensure that black men would never again be able to participate in the political process.

Jim Crow Laws. The new white supremacist government passed a series of Jim Crow laws that mandated segregation in all aspects of life. Black people were forced to use separate schools, hospitals, restaurants, and public facilities. They were denied equal access to jobs and opportunities.

A Lasting Legacy. The events of 1898 had a profound and lasting impact on Wilmington and the state of North Carolina. They ushered in an era of white supremacy that would last for decades. They also created a legacy of racial injustice that continues to affect the city today.

8. A Legacy of Injustice: The Enduring Impact of 1898

“I cannot live in North Carolina and be treated like a man.”

A Century of Silence. For decades, the events of 1898 were largely ignored or downplayed by white historians and politicians. The white narrative of the coup was passed down through generations, perpetuating the myth that blacks were to blame for the violence.

Challenging the Narrative. In recent years, historians and activists have begun to challenge the white narrative of 1898. They have uncovered new evidence that reveals the true nature of the coup and the extent of the violence against black citizens. They have also worked to ensure that the victims of 1898 are remembered and honored.

The Enduring Impact. The legacy of 1898 continues to affect Wilmington today. The city is still grappling with the consequences of its racist past. The events of 1898 serve as a reminder of the fragility of democracy and the importance of fighting for racial justice.

  • The city's black population remains disproportionately poor and marginalized.
  • Racial tensions continue to simmer beneath the surface.
  • The city is still struggling to come to terms with its history.

A Call for Reconciliation. While the events of 1898 were a tragedy, they also offer an opportunity for healing and reconciliation. By acknowledging the truth of what happened and by working to address the legacy of racial injustice, Wilmington can begin to build a more just and equitable future for all its citizens.

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Review Summary

4.43 out of 5
Average of 3k+ ratings from Goodreads and Amazon.

Wilmington's Lie is a powerful, well-researched account of the 1898 white supremacist coup in Wilmington, North Carolina. Readers praise Zucchino's thorough research, compelling narrative, and ability to connect historical events to present-day issues. Many express shock at learning about this overlooked part of American history and its lasting impact on race relations. The book is described as timely, important, and emotionally challenging, offering crucial insights into the rise of white supremacy and the undermining of democracy through violence and propaganda.

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About the Author

David Zucchino is a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist and contributing writer for The New York Times. His extensive research and journalistic background are evident in the meticulous details and compelling storytelling in Wilmington's Lie. Zucchino's ability to uncover primary sources and weave together individual stories creates a vivid narrative of historical events. His work sheds light on often-overlooked aspects of American history, particularly focusing on issues of race and social justice. Zucchino's writing style is praised for being accessible and engaging, making complex historical events understandable to a wide audience while maintaining scholarly rigor.

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