Big Gods

1. Watched People Are Nice People: Social monitoring, real or perceived, encourages prosocial behavior.

Watched people are nice people.

Social surveillance. The mere feeling of being observed, whether by actual people or implied by cues like eyes or cameras, significantly increases prosocial behavior. This is a fundamental human tendency, rooted in our evolutionary history, where reputation and social standing were crucial for survival.

Examples of social monitoring:

• Drivers slow down when they see a police car.
• Shoppers are less likely to steal when there are security cameras.
• People are more generous when donating in public.
• Even subtle cues, like images of eyes, can increase generosity.

Supernatural monitoring. This basic social intuition is the foundation for the idea of supernatural watchers. If being watched by humans makes us nicer, then the belief in a God who sees all can encourage cooperation even when no one else is watching. This is a key mechanism by which religion promotes prosocial behavior.

2. Religion is Situational, Not Just Personal: Religious behavior is more about context than inherent belief.

Religion is more in the situation than in the person.

Situational salience. Religious behavior is not solely determined by a person's inherent religiosity but is heavily influenced by the immediate context. Reminders of God, religious settings, and rituals can trigger prosocial behavior, even in those who are not deeply religious.

Examples of situational influence:

• Christians are more charitable on Sundays, when religious reminders are more salient.
• Muslims are more generous during the call to prayer.
• Hindus are less selfish when playing economic games in a temple.
• Religious priming (subliminal exposure to religious words) increases generosity.

Competing motivations. Religious motivations compete with other goals and values. Religious beliefs only impact behavior when they become salient at the moment of temptation. This explains why even devout believers don't always act according to their religious principles.

3. Hell is Stronger Than Heaven: Fear of punishment is a more potent motivator than the promise of reward.

Hell is stronger than heaven.

Punishment vs. reward. The fear of divine punishment is a more effective deterrent of antisocial behavior than the promise of divine reward. Belief in a wrathful, punishing God is more likely to encourage prosocial behavior than belief in a kind, forgiving God.

Evidence for this claim:

• Believers who see God as mean are less likely to cheat.
• Priming a punishing God reduces stealing, while priming a forgiving God does not.
• Nations with higher belief in hell have lower crime rates.
• Believers who see God as punitive are less likely to punish others, as they offload this duty to God.

Psychological mechanisms. The fear of punishment is a more immediate and powerful motivator than the promise of reward, which is often seen as distant and uncertain. This is why the threat of hell is a more effective tool for social control than the promise of heaven.

4. Trust Those Who Trust in God: Shared belief in a higher power fosters trust and cooperation.

Trust people who trust in God.

Religious signals. Shared belief in a higher power serves as a signal of trustworthiness, allowing believers to cooperate with each other more readily. This is because those who believe they are being watched by a moralizing God are more likely to behave prosocially.

Evidence for this claim:

• People are more likely to trust those who are perceived as religious.
• Believers are more likely to trust other believers.
• Religious responders in economic games are more likely to reciprocate trust.
• Religious groups often form trade networks based on shared faith.

Bounded trust. This trust is often bounded by religious affiliation. Believers are more likely to trust those who share their faith, and less likely to trust those who do not. This can lead to distrust of atheists, who are seen as lacking a moral compass.

5. Actions Speak Louder Than Words: Extravagant religious displays signal genuine commitment.

Religious actions speak louder than words.

Credibility-enhancing displays (CREDs). Extravagant religious behaviors, such as self-sacrifice, fasting, and costly rituals, serve as credible signals of genuine commitment to a religious group. These displays are hard to fake, making them reliable indicators of true belief.

Examples of CREDs:

• Self-castration among priests of Cybele.
• Self-scarification in the Thaipusam festival.
• Fasting and pilgrimage in Islam.
• Martyrdom in various religious traditions.

Cultural transmission. These displays not only signal commitment but also transmit beliefs to others. When people witness others engaging in costly religious behaviors, they are more likely to adopt those beliefs themselves. This is a key mechanism for the cultural spread of prosocial religions.

6. Unworshipped Gods Are Impotent: Belief alone is insufficient; cultural support and commitment are crucial.

Unworshipped Gods are impotent Gods.

Belief vs. commitment. It's not enough to simply believe in a god; passionate commitment and cultural support are crucial for a deity to become a powerful force in a society. Many supernatural concepts exist, but only a few become objects of worship.

Examples of this principle:

• Mickey Mouse and Santa Claus are not gods, despite having supernatural qualities.
• Zeus, once a powerful god, is now a figure of myth.
• The gods of other religions are often seen as fictional by outsiders.

Cultural transmission. The key difference is that worshipped gods are backed by public displays of commitment, while fictional characters are not. These displays signal that the belief is genuine and important, making it more likely to be adopted by others.

7. Big Gods for Big Groups: Prosocial religions with powerful, moralizing gods facilitate large-scale cooperation.

Big Gods for Big Groups.

Scaling up cooperation. Big Gods, who are omniscient, powerful, and morally concerned, are more prevalent in larger, more complex societies. These deities facilitate cooperation among strangers by acting as supernatural monitors and enforcers of social norms.

Evidence for this claim:

• Hunter-gatherer societies typically lack moralizing gods.
• Big Gods become more common as societies become larger and more hierarchical.
• Societies with chronic water shortages are more likely to have moralizing gods.
• The rise of Big Gods coincides with the rise of agriculture and large-scale settlements.

Cultural evolution. The cultural evolution of Big Gods is a response to the challenges of large-scale cooperation. As groups grow, traditional mechanisms of social control become less effective, and supernatural monitoring becomes a necessary tool for maintaining social order.

8. Religious Groups Cooperate to Compete: Intergroup conflict drives internal cohesion and religious expansion.

Religious groups cooperate in order to compete.

Intergroup competition. Prosocial religions are not just about internal cooperation; they also foster group solidarity that allows them to compete with rival groups. This competition can take the form of warfare, economic competition, or demographic expansion.

Evidence for this claim:

• Groups with strong social solidarity are more likely to win in intergroup conflicts.
• Men are more likely to support wars and volunteer to fight when their group is under threat.
• Costly rites are more common in societies with frequent warfare.
• Religious groups with high levels of commitment are more likely to expand and outcompete rivals.

Cultural selection. The cultural selection of prosocial religions is driven by the fact that these groups are better able to mobilize their members for collective action, allowing them to outcompete rival groups. This process has led to the spread of prosocial religions throughout the world.

9. Religion Can Both Create and Resolve Conflict: Religious beliefs can both fuel and mitigate intergroup hostility.

Religious groups cooperate in order to compete.

Double-edged sword. Religion can be a source of both cooperation and conflict. While it promotes social cohesion within groups, it can also exacerbate hostility and violence between groups.

Pathways to conflict:

• Supernatural monitoring creates boundaries between "us" and "them."
• Religious participation can increase support for violence against outgroups.
• Sacred values make conflicts less tractable and compromise more difficult.

Pathways to peace:

• Religious participation can also promote tolerance and inclusiveness.
• Reframing sacred values can open new doors for conflict resolution.
• Religious leaders can play a role in promoting peace and reconciliation.

Context matters. The impact of religion on conflict depends on the specific context, including the nature of the conflict, the beliefs and practices of the religious groups involved, and the presence of other factors that can either exacerbate or mitigate conflict.

10. Secularism is a Product of Religion: Secular societies often emerge by replacing religious functions with secular institutions.

Secular societies climbed the ladder of religion, and then kicked it away.

Secular alternatives. Secular societies, with their strong institutions and rule of law, have found ways to maintain large-scale cooperation without relying on religion. These institutions, such as courts, police, and contract-enforcing mechanisms, have taken over some of the functions previously performed by religion.

Evidence for this claim:

• Secular societies, such as those in Scandinavia, have high levels of trust and cooperation.
• Reminders of secular authority can increase prosocial behavior.
• Strong secular institutions erode religious belief.
• Secular ideologies often borrow from religious concepts.

Interchangeable functions. Gods and governments can be seen as interchangeable sources of external control and stability. When people have faith in their government, they are less likely to rely on religion. This is why secular societies often emerge in places where government is strong and effective.

11. Multiple Paths to Disbelief: Atheism arises from various factors, not just a rejection of religious belief.

Unworshipped Gods are impotent Gods.

Varieties of atheism. Atheism is not a monolithic phenomenon. There are multiple pathways to disbelief, each with its own psychological roots. These include:

• Mind-blind atheism: Deficits in mentalizing make it difficult to conceptualize a personal God.
• Analytic atheism: Habitual analytic thinking undermines intuitive religious beliefs.
• Apatheism: Indifference to religion due to existential security.
• InCREDulous atheism: Lack of exposure to credible displays of religious commitment.

Interconnected pathways. These pathways are not mutually exclusive. They can interact and reinforce each other, leading to a variety of different forms of disbelief. For example, analytic thinkers may be more likely to be drawn to science, which in turn further undermines their religious beliefs.

Atheism as a cultural phenomenon. Atheism is not simply the absence of belief; it is a cultural phenomenon that is shaped by a variety of psychological, social, and historical factors. Understanding these factors is crucial for understanding the rise of secularism in the modern world.

Last updated: February 1, 2025