Identity

1. Identity politics is a master concept driving global events.

Demand for recognition of one’s identity is a master concept that unifies much of what is going on in world politics today.

Global political shift. World politics has dramatically changed, moving away from the 20th-century left-right spectrum defined by economic issues. The rise of populist nationalism, politicized religion, and social movements centered on marginalized groups indicates a new organizing principle. This principle is identity.

Beyond economics. While economic inequality and globalization's disruptive effects are significant, they don't fully explain contemporary political passions. Much of what appears economically motivated is rooted in demands for recognition and dignity. Resentment over perceived disrespect carries immense emotional weight.

Varied manifestations. Identity politics appears in diverse forms globally.

• Nationalist leaders like Trump, Putin, and Orbán emphasize traditional national identity.
• Islamist movements seek recognition for a religious community.
• Social movements demand dignity for marginalized groups (racial, gender, sexual orientation, etc.).
  These seemingly disparate phenomena are unified by the underlying quest for recognition of a group's worth.

2. The core of identity politics is the human desire for recognition (thymos).

Thymos is the part of the soul that seeks recognition.

Plato's insight. Ancient philosophy, particularly Plato's Republic, identified three parts of the soul: desire, reason, and thymos. Thymos is the seat of anger, pride, and the demand for respect or dignity. Unlike simple desire or rational calculation, thymos drives humans to seek validation of their worth.

Two forms of recognition. Thymos manifests in two primary ways:

• Isothymia: The desire to be recognized as equal in dignity to others.
• Megalothymia: The desire to be recognized as superior to others.
  Modern liberal democracies promise equal recognition (isothymia) through rights and law, but megalothymia persists and can drive individuals and groups to seek dominance or exceptional status.

Beyond material interest. Standard economic models assume humans are rational utility maximizers driven by material self-interest. However, thymos explains behaviors like sacrificing one's life for a cause or seeking status over wealth. Understanding this non-economic motivation is crucial for interpreting contemporary politics.

3. Modern identity emerged from the distinction between an inner self and outer society.

Identity grows, in the first place, out of a distinction between one’s true inner self and an outer world of social rules and norms that does not adequately recognize that inner self’s worth or dignity.

Inner vs. Outer. The modern concept of identity, unlike ancient notions of thymos, is based on the idea that individuals possess an authentic inner self that may be at odds with societal expectations. This inner self is seen as intrinsically valuable and deserving of recognition.

Historical roots. This distinction began to take hold in early modern Europe:

• Martin Luther's Protestant Reformation emphasized the inner spiritual self and faith over external works and the Church's mediation.
• Jean-Jacques Rousseau secularized this, arguing the natural inner self was good and corrupted by society, prioritizing subjective feeling ("sentiment de l'existence") over social convention.

Authenticity's rise. This led to a valorization of authenticity – the idea that one's true self must be expressed and validated. The search for this inner self and the feeling of alienation when society doesn't recognize it became central to the modern experience, particularly as societies underwent rapid modernization.

4. The concept of dignity evolved from recognizing a few to recognizing everyone.

The only rational solution to the desire for recognition was universal recognition, in which the dignity of every human being was recognized.

From aristocratic to universal. Historically, dignity was often attributed only to a select few, such as warriors or aristocrats, based on their perceived superiority (megalothymia). The rise of modern thought saw a shift towards universal dignity.

Christian and secular roots.

• Christianity posited universal dignity based on the human capacity for moral choice and the idea that all souls are equal before God.
• Immanuel Kant secularized this, grounding universal dignity in human reason and the capacity for autonomous moral choice, arguing individuals must be treated as ends in themselves.
• Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel saw history as a struggle for recognition culminating in the mutual recognition of equal human dignity.

Political embodiment. This evolving concept of universal dignity became embedded in the principles of modern liberal democracy. Documents like the American Declaration of Independence ("all men are created equal") reflect this, asserting that dignity is inherent and equal for all, regardless of social status.

5. Struggles for recognition fueled democratic revolutions.

The desire for the state to recognize one’s basic dignity has been at the core of democratic movements since the French Revolution.

Beyond economic motives. While economic grievances often play a role, many historical and contemporary uprisings against authoritarianism are fundamentally driven by a demand for dignity. People resent being treated as subjects or children rather than as moral agents capable of self-government.

Examples of dignity revolutions.

• The French Revolution, with its emphasis on the Rights of Man.
• The Arab Spring (2011), sparked by a street vendor's self-immolation after public humiliation by authorities, crystallizing widespread resentment against regimes that disregarded citizens' dignity.
• Ukraine's Revolution of Dignity (2013-2014), triggered by rejection of closer ties with Russia and fueled by outrage over government corruption and abuse of power, seen as an affront to citizens' dignity.

Core of liberal democracy. Liberal democracy institutionalizes the recognition of equal dignity through:

• Rule of law: Protecting basic individual rights and applying rules equally.
• Democratic accountability: Granting citizens an equal share of power through the franchise.
  These mechanisms aim to treat citizens as equal adults capable of political choice, contrasting with authoritarian regimes that deny or suppress this dignity.

6. Individual identity evolved into expressive individualism, prioritizing the inner self.

By the late twentieth century, the understanding of the scope of individual autonomy had broadened immensely in most modern democracies, leading to an efflorescence of what is sometimes termed expressive individualism.

Expanding autonomy. Building on the idea of an inner self, modern liberal societies increasingly defined individual freedom not just as freedom from external constraint or the capacity for moral choice, but as the ability to fully express one's unique inner feelings and potentialities. This is expressive individualism.

Secularization's impact. With the decline of shared religious moral horizons, the scope of individual choice expanded beyond accepting established rules. Nietzsche's idea of creating one's own values became influential, suggesting autonomy included defining one's own concept of meaning and existence.

Therapeutic turn. This led to a "triumph of the therapeutic," where psychology and self-help culture filled the void left by traditional religion. Institutions like schools and social services adopted a therapeutic mission, focusing on raising self-esteem and validating the inner self, sometimes without clear standards of what is estimable.

7. Collective identities like nationalism and religion also arose from recognition demands.

The other fork led to assertions of collective identity, of which the two major manifestations were nationalism and politicized religion.

Beyond the individual. While one path of identity politics focused on individual autonomy, another emphasized the dignity of groups. Thinkers like Johann Gottfried von Herder celebrated the unique "genius" of each cultural community, shifting the focus from universal individual freedom to collective freedom based on shared characteristics.

Modernization's anxieties. Rapid social and economic change, particularly the shift from traditional village life to urban industrial society, created psychological dislocation and a search for belonging. Nationalism offered a powerful answer, providing a sense of community based on shared language and culture, often rooted in nostalgia for an imagined past.

Religion as identity. Similarly, politicized religion (like Islamism) provides a collective identity based on shared faith, particularly for those feeling alienated or disrespected by secular or foreign cultures. It offers a sense of belonging to a larger community of believers, often framed as a response to perceived victimization.

8. Economic grievances are often intertwined with feelings of indignity and invisibility.

A great deal of what we conventionally take to be economic motivation driven by material needs or desires is in fact a thymotic desire for recognition of one’s dignity or status.

Wealth as status marker. Adam Smith observed that people seek wealth not just for material comfort, but because it draws attention and confers status. Poverty, conversely, is painful not only due to lack of resources but because it makes one invisible to others, a profound loss of dignity.

Loss aversion and status. Behavioral economics shows people are more sensitive to losses than gains. This applies to status: middle classes who feel their relative position is declining are often more politically volatile than the chronically poor. They resent losing the respect they feel their hard work and contributions deserve.

Invisible man. The pain of being unseen or disregarded is a powerful motivator. Whether it's Ralph Ellison's "Invisible Man" describing the indignity of racism or rural voters feeling ignored by urban elites, the sense that one's worth is not recognized fuels resentment and political mobilization, often expressed through identity claims.

9. Identity politics fragmented the left.

The diminished ambitions for large-scale socioeconomic reform converged with the left’s embrace of identity politics and multiculturalism in the final decades of the twentieth century.

Shift from class. Traditionally, the left focused on broad economic equality and the working class. However, facing the failures of communism and the limits of the welfare state, and influenced by the new social movements of the 1960s, the left's agenda shifted.

Focus on marginalized groups. The left increasingly focused on the rights and recognition of specific groups perceived as marginalized: racial minorities, women, LGBTQ+ individuals, immigrants, etc. This involved demanding recognition for their unique "lived experiences" and cultures.

Leaving the working class behind. This fragmentation meant less focus on the economic conditions of the working class as a whole, particularly the white working class, who felt their concerns were ignored by elites preoccupied with other identity issues. This created a vacuum that other political forces would exploit.

10. Identity politics on the left has fueled a backlash and identity politics on the right.

The final, and perhaps most significant, problem with identity politics as currently practiced on the left is that it has stimulated the rise of identity politics on the right.

The backlash. The emphasis on specific marginalized identities and the associated phenomenon of "political correctness" created resentment among those who felt their own identities (e.g., white, Christian, rural, traditional) were being ignored, denigrated, or blamed.

Right adopts identity frame. The right has successfully adopted the language of identity politics, framing their supporters as a victimized group whose dignity is under threat from immigrants, minorities, and liberal elites. Slogans like "Take back our country" resonate with this sense of lost status and invisibility.

Dangerous dynamic. This creates a cycle where identity claims on one side provoke counter-claims on the other. Unlike economic disputes, identity claims based on fixed characteristics are often seen as non-negotiable, leading to increased polarization and a zero-sum political environment where groups view each other as threats.

11. A strong, inclusive national identity is crucial for liberal democracy.

Such an inclusive sense of national identity remains critical for the maintenance of a successful modern political order for a number of reasons.

Beyond diversity. While diversity is a reality and can be a strength, it cannot be the sole basis for national identity. Societies need a shared sense of "peoplehood" and loyalty to common political institutions and values to function effectively.

Functions of national identity. A strong, inclusive national identity supports:

• Physical security: Unified states are better able to defend themselves and maintain internal order.
• Good government: Officials are more likely to prioritize the public interest over narrow group interests.
• Economic development: Facilitates trust and cooperation across diverse groups.
• Social safety nets: Citizens are more willing to support welfare programs for fellow nationals.
• Democratic function: Provides the shared norms and trust needed for deliberation and compromise.

Contested concept. National identities are not static or biologically determined; they are socially constructed through history, laws (citizenship, immigration), education, and shared narratives. The challenge is to build identities that are inclusive and based on shared political values rather than exclusive ethnicity or religion.

12. The remedy is to build broader, integrative identities through assimilation and shared purpose.

The remedy is to define larger and more integrative national identities that take account of the de facto diversity of existing liberal democratic societies.

Beyond fragmentation. The current trajectory of identity politics towards ever narrower, self-regarding groups is dangerous for liberal democracy. The solution is not to abandon identity, but to foster broader, more integrative identities that unite diverse populations.

Promote creedal identity. Liberal democracies should emphasize and actively promote a national identity based on shared political principles (constitutionalism, rule of law, human equality) rather than ethnicity or religion. This "creedal" identity is open to all who subscribe to these values.

Assimilation and shared purpose. This requires deliberate policies to assimilate newcomers into the national culture and values, such as:

• Reforming citizenship laws (e.g., shifting from jus sanguinis to jus soli).
• Strengthening civic education for all citizens.
• Encouraging shared experiences, perhaps through national service.
• Addressing underlying economic anxieties that fuel resentment.

Reclaiming the narrative. Progressives should tell a national story that acknowledges past injustices but emphasizes the ongoing struggle to expand the circle of dignity and fulfill founding principles. This counters narratives of victimhood and division, offering a vision of shared purpose that can unite diverse citizens.

Last updated: May 20, 2025