Wealth and Power

1. From Humiliation to the Quest for Wealth and Power

To feel shame is to approach courage.

A painful beginning. Modern China's journey is conventionally marked by the Opium War (1839-1842) and the subsequent Treaty of Nanjing, symbolizing a century of humiliation at the hands of foreign powers. This era of defeat and decline, starkly contrasted with a perceived glorious past as the "Central Kingdom," became a powerful, albeit painful, source of national identity and motivation. The Temple of the Tranquil Seas, where the treaty was negotiated, stands today as a museum dedicated to this "century of humiliation," urging visitors to "never forget national humiliation and strengthen our national defense."

The quest for fuqiang. Faced with internal decay and external assault, Chinese thinkers and leaders became obsessed with restoring fuqiang ("wealth and power," or "prosperity and strength"). This ancient Legalist concept, revived by figures like Wei Yuan, became the driving force behind reform efforts. Wei Yuan, witnessing the Opium War defeat, was among the first to recognize China's perilous backwardness and advocate learning from the West, particularly their military technology, arguing that even Confucian "sage kings" needed wealth and power to govern effectively.

Humiliation as stimulant. The repeated defeats and unequal treaties deepened the sense of shame, but this shame was paradoxically viewed as a necessary catalyst for action. The idea that "humiliation stimulates effort" became a recurring theme, transforming a negative emotion into a positive force for national rejuvenation (fuxing). This mindset fueled the fervent pursuit of self-reinvention, aiming to restore China to a position where it could defend itself and regain international respect.

2. Self-Strengthening: Western Methods, Chinese Core

If we use Chinese ethics and teachings as the foundation, but supplement them with foreign countries’ techniques for wealth and power, would it not be ideal?

Learning from the enemy. The destruction of the Old Summer Palace (Yuanmingyuan) in 1860 during the Second Opium War served as another brutal lesson in China's weakness. This trauma spurred figures like Feng Guifen to propose a more systematic approach to ziqiang ("self-strengthening"). Feng argued that China must study and adopt Western methods, not just in military technology, but also in areas like education, economics, and even aspects of governance, while preserving the core of Chinese culture and values.

Arsenals and institutes. Feng's ideas influenced powerful officials like Li Hongzhang, who established modern arsenals and foreign studies institutes, such as the Jiangnan Arsenal in Nanjing. These initiatives aimed to acquire Western technology and train Chinese personnel, embodying the principle of grafting xiyong ("Western function") onto zhongti ("Chinese core"). However, these efforts were often decentralized, underfunded, and met with conservative resistance, hindering their effectiveness.

Limits of borrowing. Despite some progress, the self-strengthening movement ultimately failed to prevent further decline. China's defeat by Japan in 1895 was a particularly devastating blow, highlighting that simply adopting Western technology was insufficient. The piecemeal approach and the resistance to deeper systemic change meant China fell further behind, not only the West but also a rapidly modernizing Japan, which had more decisively embraced comprehensive reforms.

3. Cultural Crisis: Demanding New Citizens and Total Destruction

If we wish to make our nation secure, wealthy, and respected, then we must discuss how to create ‘new citizens.’

Beyond material reform. The failures of self-strengthening led a new generation of intellectuals to question whether China's problems lay deeper than just technology or institutions. Figures like Liang Qichao and Yan Fu argued that China's traditional culture itself was the source of its weakness, stifling innovation and preventing the emergence of modern guomin ("citizens") with national consciousness. Liang's call for "new citizens" marked a shift towards cultural and intellectual transformation as a prerequisite for national strength.

Iconoclasm and new culture. This critique culminated in the New Culture Movement (circa 1915-1925), spearheaded by Chen Duxiu and others through publications like New Youth. They launched a radical assault on Confucianism and traditional values, advocating for "Mr. Science and Mr. Democracy" as universal antidotes to China's perceived backwardness. Writers like Lu Xun used literature to expose the perceived moral decay and passivity of Chinese society, famously depicting it as a place where people "eat human flesh."

Destruction before construction. Chen Duxiu, influenced by Liang Qichao's earlier ideas of "destructivism," argued that the "old and rotten" traditional culture had to be completely demolished to make way for a new China. This radical iconoclasm, while energizing a generation of youth, also sowed seeds of nihilism and violence. Although many New Culture intellectuals admired Western liberalism and individualism, their primary motivation remained saving the nation, and some, like Chen Duxiu, would later turn to more authoritarian ideologies in their search for an effective path to national salvation.

4. Revolution and Disunity: The Struggle for a New State

Despite four hundred million people gathered in one China, we are, in fact, but a sheet of loose sand.

Overthrowing the dynasty. Sun Yat-sen, a product of Western education and overseas Chinese communities, became the leading figure advocating for the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty and the establishment of a republic. Unlike earlier reformers, he lost faith in the dynasty's ability to save China and saw revolution as necessary. His "Three People's Principles" (nationalism, rights of the people, livelihood of the people) aimed to provide a blueprint for a new China, emphasizing national unity against foreign imperialism and internal disunity.

A fragile republic. The 1911 revolution ended imperial rule, but the ensuing republican era (1912-1949) was marked by warlordism, civil war, and continued foreign encroachment. Sun's brief presidency highlighted the weakness of the new republic and the deep divisions within China. He later adopted Leninist party organization methods, believing a strong, disciplined party was necessary to unify the nation and guide it through a period of "political tutelage" before full democracy could be implemented.

Nationalist struggle. Chiang Kai-shek inherited Sun's mantle and, through the Northern Expedition, achieved a semblance of national unity under the Nationalist Party. However, his government faced immense challenges:

• Continued Japanese aggression
• Internal opposition from the burgeoning Communist Party
• Widespread poverty and corruption
• The legacy of unequal treaties and national humiliation

Chiang, a blend of Confucian traditionalist and Leninist disciplinarian, sought to restore order and strength but ultimately failed to prevent the country from plunging into civil war and losing the mainland to the Communists.

5. Mao's Era: Permanent Revolution and Creative Destruction

A revolution is not like inviting people to dinner... A revolution is an uprising, an act of violence whereby one class overthrows the power of another.

Peasant power. Mao Zedong, unlike most urban intellectuals, saw the revolutionary potential in China's vast peasantry. His 1927 report on the Hunan peasant movement convinced him that the rural poor, not urban workers, would be the driving force of the Chinese revolution. This insight, combined with his Legalist-influenced belief in strong leadership and his personal experience of rebellion against authority, shaped his vision of a violent, totalistic revolution.

Rectification and control. After consolidating power in Yan'an, Mao focused on ideological control and party discipline through "rectification" campaigns. He sought to remold the thinking of intellectuals and party members, viewing them as potential threats to the revolution's purity. His "Talks at the Yan'an Forum on Art and Literature" famously declared that all art and literature must serve the party and the people, not individual expression.

Unleashing chaos. Mao's belief in "permanent revolution" and "creative destruction" led to a series of devastating mass campaigns after 1949:

• Land Reform (eliminating landlords)
• Great Leap Forward (forced collectivization and industrialization, leading to mass famine)
• Cultural Revolution (assault on traditional culture, intellectuals, and party rivals)

These movements aimed to continuously transform society and prevent the emergence of a new elite, but resulted in immense suffering, economic stagnation, and political chaos, leaving China "poor and blank" in a way Mao had perhaps not intended.

6. Deng's Era: Pragmatism, Reform, and Economic Power

Yellow or white, a cat that catches mice is a good cat.

Turning point. After Mao's death and the fall of the Gang of Four, Deng Xiaoping, twice purged during the Cultural Revolution, emerged as China's paramount leader. Recognizing the country's deep poverty and backwardness, Deng shifted the party's focus from class struggle to economic development, launching the era of "reform and opening up." His pragmatic approach, famously summarized by the "black cat, white cat" proverb, prioritized results over ideology.

Economic transformation. Deng dismantled Maoist collectivization, introduced market mechanisms, encouraged private enterprise, and opened China to foreign trade and investment through Special Economic Zones. He decentralized economic decision-making and promoted efficiency, leading to unprecedented economic growth. While facing resistance from party conservatives, Deng pushed forward, believing that rapid development was essential for the party's legitimacy and China's future.

Authoritarian development. Despite embracing market economics and opening to the West, Deng firmly rejected political liberalization and Western-style democracy. He suppressed the Democracy Wall movement and ordered the crackdown on the 1989 Tiananmen protests, viewing political dissent as a threat to stability and the party's rule. Deng's model aimed to build a strong, prosperous nation under the firm control of the Communist Party, deferring democracy to an undefined future period of "political tutelage."

7. The Enduring Tension: Development vs. Democracy

Free expression is the base of human rights, the roots of human nature, and the mother of truth.

The economic miracle. Under Deng's successors, Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji, China achieved astonishing economic growth, becoming the world's second-largest economy and a major global power. Zhu Rongji, as premier, centralized economic control, reformed state-owned enterprises, and oversaw China's entry into the WTO, solidifying its position as the "factory of the world." This economic success became the primary source of the party's legitimacy.

Unresolved contradictions. Despite material progress, China continues to grapple with significant challenges:

• Widening income inequality
• Rampant corruption
• Environmental degradation
• Lack of political transparency and accountability

These issues fuel social tensions and raise questions about the sustainability of the current model.

Voices for change. Throughout this period, a lineage of dissidents, including Wei Jingsheng, Fang Lizhi, and Liu Xiaobo, have continued to advocate for democracy, human rights, and the rule of law as universal values essential for China's true modernization and international respect. Their calls for political reform have been met with repression, highlighting the ongoing tension between the party's pursuit of wealth and power under authoritarian rule and the aspirations for greater freedom and justice. While the quest for wealth and power has dominated China's modern history, the question of whether it can achieve true "rejuvenation" and global respect without addressing fundamental political and human rights remains a central, unresolved challenge.

Last updated: May 12, 2025