Rough Country

1. Texas's "Rough Country" Forged a Distinct Religious and Social Order.

Rough country was terrain difficult to traverse, farmland yet to be improved, thickets needing to be cleared, and roads impassable from rain and mud.

A land of hardship. Post-Civil War Texas was a challenging frontier, characterized by vast, undeveloped lands, unpredictable weather, and rampant disease. Settlers faced constant threats from hostile Native Americans, outlaws, and the grinding struggle for daily existence. The median age of death for males in Texas in 1850 was eleven years, and for females, seven years, highlighting the harsh realities of life.

Religion as solace and order. Amidst this chaos, religion emerged as a crucial force for establishing social order and providing comfort. Churches, though often humble and sparsely attended, offered a language to express grief, make sense of suffering, and reinforce moral discipline. The Loveland murder in Houston in 1869, occurring during a contentious election, illustrated how religion provided a marker of respectability for white citizens and a source of comfort and community for African Americans.

Racial tensions and justice. The Loveland case also starkly revealed the deep racial tensions of Reconstruction Texas. The swift conviction and public execution of Jake Johnson, an African American, despite procedural irregularities, underscored the precariousness of justice for freedmen. The presence of both white and black clergy at the execution, each serving their respective communities, highlighted the complex interplay of race, religion, and the nascent social order.

2. Institution Building and Moral Character Defined Early Texas Civilization.

The true challenge was ensuring that civilization would prevail.

Building a civilized society. In the decades following the Civil War, Texans actively sought to overcome the "roughness" of their country by establishing social institutions. This included a rapid increase in the number of churches, from 339 in 1850 to 1,070 by 1860, and a concerted effort to build schools, colleges, and benevolent associations. These institutions were seen as essential for fostering moral character and bringing order to the frontier.

Regulating public morality. Efforts to civilize society extended to regulating public morality, particularly through temperance movements. Baptists and Methodists, the dominant denominations, strongly advocated for abstinence from alcohol, leading to local option laws that allowed counties to ban or restrict liquor sales. However, these efforts faced resistance from saloon owners, German and Catholic communities, and those who valued individual liberty over strict moral codes.

Individual responsibility and institutional support. The prevailing belief was that a good society required good people, and that individual moral character was best cultivated through strong families, churches, and schools. While rugged individualism was celebrated, there was a growing understanding that reliable institutions were necessary to protect property, educate children, and provide opportunities for an orderly and productive life. This reciprocal relationship between individual virtue and social institutions was seen as key to progress.

3. "Liberty of Conscience" Shaped Church-State Relations and Political Engagement.

It is the natural and fundamental and indefeasible right of every human being to worship God or not, according to the dictates of his conscience, and, as long as he does not infringe upon the rights of others, he is to be held accountable alone to God for all religious beliefs and practices.

A foundational ideal. "Liberty of conscience" was a core tenet of Texas civil religion, rooted in the state's struggle for independence from Mexico, which had imposed Roman Catholicism. This ideal, championed by figures like Baptist leader George W. Truett, emphasized freedom from government control over religious practice and the individual's right to choose their faith. It also implicitly positioned Protestant denominations, particularly Baptists, as guardians of this freedom against perceived Catholic influence.

Clergy's cautious political role. For much of this period, religious leaders generally avoided direct partisan political involvement, viewing it as a violation of church-state separation. Their influence was primarily exerted through moral suasion, evangelism, and institution-building. However, "non-partisan" moral issues like Prohibition provided avenues for clergy to engage publicly, framing their advocacy as a defense of societal well-being rather than partisan politics.

The 1928 election as a turning point. The 1928 presidential campaign, with Catholic Al Smith as the Democratic nominee, dramatically challenged these norms. Protestant leaders, particularly Baptists and Methodists, broke tradition by openly opposing Smith, primarily due to his anti-Prohibition stance but also fueled by anti-Catholic sentiment. This event foreshadowed a new era where religious leaders would more directly engage in national politics, redefining the boundaries of church-state separation.

4. Texas Became a "Fundamentalist Belt" Amidst Theological and Scientific Debates.

Despite the prevailing Protestant orthodoxy preached in its prominent Baptist and Methodist churches, Texas was a cauldron of theological controversy.

Fundamentalism's rise. By the early 20th century, Texas gained a reputation as a "fundamentalist belt," a perception fueled by intense theological debates. This movement, a reaction to modernism, evolution, and higher criticism of the Bible, found fertile ground in Texas. Figures like J. Frank Norris, a flamboyant Baptist preacher, and C. I. Scofield, author of the influential Scofield Reference Bible, played pivotal roles.

Battles over science and education. Fundamentalists actively challenged the teaching of evolution in public schools and universities, viewing it as a direct contradiction to biblical accounts of creation. They argued that science was incomplete or even "infidelic," and that the Bible offered a superior, empirically verifiable understanding of human origins. These debates led to legislative efforts to ban evolution from textbooks and accusations of heresy against professors at denominational colleges.

Dispensational theology and its influence. The spread of premillennial dispensational theology, particularly through Scofield's annotated Bible, provided a comprehensive framework for understanding history and prophecy. This theology, which viewed societal decline as a sign of Christ's imminent return, resonated with many Texans. It also fostered a sense of being "embattled" yet empowered, encouraging believers to combat perceived evils and build institutions like Dallas Theological Seminary, which became a key center for dispensational thought.

5. The Legacy of Lynching and Jim Crow Persisted Despite Calls for Racial Uplift.

In singular and fine sense the slave became master, the bondservant became free, and the meek not only inherited the earth, but made the heritage a thing of questing for eternal youth, of fruitful labor, of joy and music, of the free spirit and the ministering hand.

A segregated reality. The Texas Centennial Exposition of 1936, while celebrating African American achievements, starkly contrasted with the pervasive reality of Jim Crow segregation and racial discrimination. Black visitors experienced segregated facilities and racial slurs, highlighting the deep-seated prejudice that belied the image of a "New South." W.E.B. DuBois's commissioned pamphlet for the exposition offered a powerful counter-narrative of black resilience and contribution.

Lynching and white complicity. Lynching remained a brutal reality in Texas, with 493 persons killed by mobs between 1882 and 1968, predominantly African Americans. White religious leaders, though privately deploring such violence, largely remained silent publicly, fearing job loss or community backlash. The infamous Waco lynching of Jesse Washington in 1916, witnessed by thousands, underscored the widespread acceptance of mob violence and the failure of white churches to condemn it.

Black churches and anti-lynching advocacy. African American churches became vital centers for community, leadership, and racial uplift, often operating with significantly fewer resources than white congregations. While black leaders often advocated for peaceful coexistence and self-improvement, anti-lynching advocacy emerged, notably led by white women like Jessie Daniel Ames. These efforts, often working outside traditional church structures, strategically appealed to white middle-class sensibilities by framing lynching as uncivilized and detrimental to the state's image.

6. The Great Depression Sparked Debates on Private Charity vs. Government Relief.

It has been suggested— mostly by preachers, I am sorry to say— that it would be a load too heavy for the church to carry.

Widespread hardship. The Great Depression brought immense suffering to Texas, with widespread unemployment in cities and devastating crop failures and dust storms in rural areas. African American and Mexican American farm laborers were particularly hard hit, facing declining wages, deportations, and severe discrimination. Church budgets plummeted, and many congregations struggled to provide basic services.

The debate over relief. The crisis ignited a fierce debate about who should bear the responsibility for relief: private charities and churches, or the government. While religious leaders acknowledged that the scale of need was "a load too heavy" for churches alone, many expressed deep misgivings about federal intervention, fearing government intrusion, the undermining of individual initiative, and the spread of "socialistic" ideas.

Religion's role in shaping policy. Religious arguments profoundly influenced views on welfare. Fundamentalists often attributed hardship to divine punishment for moral decay, advocating for repentance over government aid. Critics of federal programs, including some clergy, argued that welfare fostered dependence and undermined traditional values. This resistance, often rooted in a distrust of "big government" and fears of communism, laid groundwork for later conservative political movements.

7. Post-WWII Texas Rose to National Power, Reshaping its Religious Landscape.

Everything in Texas is big.

Ascendancy to national prominence. Post-WWII, Texas rapidly transformed into a national powerhouse, driven by explosive population growth, vast oil wealth, and influential political figures like Sam Rayburn and Lyndon Johnson. This era saw unprecedented economic expansion, military investment, and urbanization, solidifying Texas's image as a state where "everything is big."

Shifting religious dynamics. The religious landscape mirrored this growth, with Southern Baptists experiencing a phenomenal 194% membership increase between 1926 and 1952, far outstripping general population growth and surpassing Methodists. This period also saw innovations in ministry, including:

• Expanded use of radio broadcasting by evangelists like Lester Roloff.
• The rise of specialized parachurch ministries like Youth for Christ.
• The emergence of Christian industrialists like R. G. LeTourneau, who combined wealth with evangelistic outreach and pioneered faith-based economic development.

Segregation and church expansion. Despite calls for racial integration, church expansion largely reinforced existing segregation. New congregations and lavish buildings were primarily constructed in white suburbs, while older downtown churches, though often near African American neighborhoods, remained predominantly white. This pattern, coupled with the Supreme Court's desegregation rulings, fueled debates about the role of churches in maintaining or challenging racial separation.

8. The Tumultuous 1960s Fueled Moral Anxiety and Shifting Political Alignments.

Just the meanest, dirtiest, low- down stuff that I’ve ever heard. Ought to go to jail for it. It’s just inhuman!

A nation in turmoil. The 1960s were a period of profound upheaval, marked by the civil rights movement, the Vietnam War, and a pervasive sense of moral unraveling. Lyndon Johnson's frustration during the 1964 election, as he decried "meanest, dirtiest, low-down stuff" from opponents, reflected the era's bitter partisan divisions and anxieties about the nation's direction.

Moral decay and its manifestations. A widespread public anxiety about "moral decay" crystallized around issues like:

• Rising crime and violence (e.g., the Texas Tower shooting).
• Youth culture and perceived sexual promiscuity.
• The Walter Jenkins scandal, linking White House staff to a "morals charge."
• Fears of communism infiltrating American institutions.
  Religious leaders, though often conflicted about direct political engagement, frequently preached against these perceived moral threats.

Civil rights and Chicano activism. The civil rights movement gained momentum, challenging segregation and discrimination, while Chicano activism emerged to fight for farmworker rights and educational equality. Clergy played varied roles, from leading protests (e.g., William Lawson) to mediating between activists and white authorities. These movements, however, also exposed deep divisions within minority communities and between local and national leaders.

9. "Power to the People" Mobilized Diverse Activism in the 1970s.

We are not here to bathe in the victories of yesterday, but to gird our loins in a struggle for survival.

Continued activism and internal divisions. The early 1970s saw sustained civil rights and Chicano activism in Texas, often confronting police brutality and systemic discrimination. The 1972 Dallas demonstration, sparked by police shootings of African Americans, highlighted the fragile unity and internal divisions within the civil rights movement, with some leaders advocating for more confrontational tactics while others favored cooperation with the white establishment.

Chicano power and Catholic engagement. Chicano activism, exemplified by organizations like the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO) and the Raza Unida Party, gained traction through farmworker strikes and efforts to improve education. Catholic clergy, such as Bishop Humberto Medeiros, played a crucial role in supporting these movements, often defying traditional church hierarchies and fostering inter-ethnic solidarity. However, the movement faced challenges in achieving broad political victories and maintaining internal consensus.

Campus unrest and evolving clergy roles. Anti-war protests and free speech movements continued on Texas campuses, leading to clashes with authorities and legislative crackdowns. Campus chaplains and some congregational clergy engaged in anti-war activism, counseling students and joining demonstrations. Meanwhile, conservative religious leaders like W. A. Criswell vehemently condemned these movements, linking them to communism and moral debauchery, further polarizing the religious and political landscape.

10. The "Campaign for a Moral America" Solidified Conservative Christian Political Power.

To me, humanism— and as I say, that is a nice academic word for atheism— humanism, like a floodtide, is coming in to destroy our homes, destroy our young people, destroy our school system, destroy our government.

The rise of the New Christian Right. The late 1970s marked the emergence of the New Christian Right as a potent political force, culminating in Ronald Reagan's enthusiastic reception by evangelical leaders in Dallas in 1980. This movement, fueled by concerns over moral decay, secular humanism, and perceived threats to traditional family values, found strong support among conservative Protestants in Texas.

Evangelists and political engagement. Figures like radio evangelist Lester Roloff and televangelist James Robison became central to this mobilization. Their ministries, initially focused on soul-winning and youth rehabilitation, increasingly engaged in political battles against government regulations (e.g., state licensing for Roloff's homes) and perceived moral threats (e.g., Robison's attacks on homosexuality). They framed these conflicts as defenses of "religious liberty" and "freedom of speech," effectively linking conservative religious values with anti-government sentiment.

Criswell's "convening power." W. A. Criswell, pastor of Dallas's First Baptist Church, played a crucial role in legitimizing fundamentalism and connecting it to the Republican Party. His intellectual prowess, combined with the immense wealth and influence of his congregation's members, gave fundamentalism a "respectable" face. Criswell's "convening power" was evident in hosting Reagan's 1980 Dallas briefing, solidifying the alliance between conservative Christians and the Republican Party, and driving the "conservative resurgence" within the Southern Baptist Convention.

11. "Compassionate Conservatism" Bridged Faith, Fiscal Policy, and Social Services.

We’re moving people from welfare to lives of independence, and it’s been a very successful policy. I mean, people want to be independent. They don’t want to be dependent on Government, but it must be done in a compassionate way.

Bush's "thousand points of light." George H. W. Bush's 1988 presidential campaign introduced the concept of "a thousand points of light," emphasizing voluntary associations and community service as solutions to social problems. This rhetoric, later expanded into "compassionate conservatism" by his son, aimed to soften the Republican image of fiscal conservatism and appeal to voters concerned about social welfare without advocating for large government programs.

Welfare reform and fiscal conservatism. The context for this approach was a deep-seated concern over government spending and welfare programs, particularly in Texas, which had low per capita welfare benefits and regressive tax policies. The 1995 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act, enacted during the Republican "Revolution of '94," dramatically reformed welfare, emphasizing work requirements and introducing "Charitable Choice" provisions to involve religious organizations in service delivery.

Faith-based initiatives and their complexities. George W. Bush aggressively promoted faith-based initiatives, arguing that religious organizations could provide more effective and "compassionate" social services than government agencies. Programs like Teen Challenge and Prison Fellowship, which emphasized spiritual transformation, became models. However, these initiatives sparked debates over church-state separation, equitable distribution of funds among diverse religious groups, and the effectiveness of faith-based approaches, highlighting the complex interplay of faith, fiscal policy, and social services.

12. "An Independent Lot": Grassroots Activism and Religious Liberty in the 21st Century.

We’ve got a great union. There’s absolutely no reason to dissolve it. But if Washington continues to thumb their nose at the American people, who knows what may come of that. But Texas is a very unique place and a pretty independent lot to boot.

Republican dominance and religious influence. By the 21st century, Texas was a stronghold of Republican power, with conservative Christians wielding significant influence. While denominational identities became less salient, informal alliances among conservative evangelical congregations and progressive faith communities shaped the religious landscape. Governor Rick Perry's "independent lot" rhetoric resonated with a deep-seated anti-government sentiment, linking fiscal conservatism with religious values.

Abortion and homosexuality as wedge issues. Activism around abortion and homosexuality continued to be central to the conservative Christian agenda. Legislative efforts in Texas restricted abortion access, and a constitutional amendment banned gay marriage. These issues, framed as moral rather than political, solidified the alignment between conservative Christians and the Republican Party. However, this also led to counter-mobilization from progressive religious groups and growing divisions within denominations.

Immigration, taxes, and the Tea Party. Debates over immigration, taxes, and government spending further fueled grassroots activism. The Tea Party movement, with strong support from conservative Christians, vehemently opposed federal intervention and tax increases, often linking these concerns to broader moral and spiritual values. While religious leaders differed on the extent of political engagement, the pervasive belief that "Washington was broken" and that America's "Judeo-Christian ethic" was under threat continued to shape the intersection of faith and politics in Texas.