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The Age of Grievance

The Age of Grievance

by Frank Bruni 2024 288 pages
4.10
1k+ ratings
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Key Takeaways

1. Grievance is the defining, pervasive mode of the current American era.

The American soundtrack has become a cacophony of competing complaints.

A constant feeling. Many Americans view the world through a prism of perceived wrongs, feeling cheated, disrespected, or furious even when circumstances aren't dire. This isn't confined to one group but flares across demographics and even at pinnacles of privilege, like the Supreme Court.

Looking for insult. When faced with trouble or disappointment, many look for and invariably find insult, often inventing it. They decide they haven't just been unlucky but have been wronged, assigning blame to specific people or forces.

  • Fox News segments turning powdered milk for migrants into an outrage over baby formula shortages.
  • J.D. Vance suggesting fentanyl deaths are intentional punishment for MAGA voters.

Victimhood as identity. This focus on being wronged has made victimhood a fashionable stance and the blame game a popular sport. It transcends partisan lines, becoming a pan-partisan impulse that rejects nuance and prioritizes personal feelings over collective interest.

2. Politicians, particularly on the right, have weaponized grievance as a core strategy.

He became a victor by playing the victim, and his most impassioned oratory, such as it was, focused not on the good that he could do for others but on the bad supposedly done to him.

Trump's model. Donald Trump personified the era's temper, casting himself as both martyr and messiah, constantly railing against perceived enemies like the media, Democrats, and the "deep state." His success validated this pose for many.

DeSantis's strategy. Ron DeSantis adopted grievance as a deliberate political strategy, focusing on enemies lists and retribution rather than unity or positive vision. His actions against Disney, flying migrants to liberal enclaves, and punishing political opponents exemplify this.

  • Suspending a prosecutor who wouldn't enforce abortion bans.
  • Targeting the College Board and ESG investing.

Embracing victimhood. The Republican party, once associated with personal responsibility, has increasingly adopted a culture of victimization. Figures like Marjorie Taylor Greene and Kari Lake use extreme rhetoric, portraying conservatives as endangered and discriminated against.

3. Social media platforms act as powerful amplifiers and incubators for anger and grievance.

Moral outrage, specifically, is probably the most powerful form of content online.

Algorithms favor anger. Social media platforms, driven by engagement metrics, prioritize content that elicits strong emotional responses, particularly anger and hate. This creates a feedback loop that pushes users towards extremes and tribal conflict.

The chaos machine. Social media distorts reality through the lens of tribal conflict, encouraging quick, intuitive reactions over reasoned deliberation. This environment makes misinformation and outrage-bait highly effective tools for gaining attention and influence.

  • The Covington Catholic High School incident, where a short video snippet fueled widespread online condemnation before fuller facts emerged.
  • The "Shitty Media Men" list, blurring lines between serious offenses and minor discourtesies.

Echo chambers. While debate exists on the extent of echo chambers, social media algorithms tend to feed users more of the same content they've engaged with, reinforcing existing biases and limiting exposure to differing viewpoints. This constant exposure to curated outrage intensifies grievance.

4. Economic inequality and perceived unfairness fuel widespread resentment and grievance.

The United States has become an “envy engine,” to borrow a phrase from Tom Nichols’s Our Own Worst Enemy, as never before, thanks not only to the grossly uneven distribution of our wealth but also to the arc and immensity of it.

Widening wealth gap. Decades of increasing income and wealth inequality mean the benefits of economic growth have disproportionately gone to the top, leaving many feeling left behind or stagnant. This creates a fertile ground for resentment.

  • CBO data showing the top 10% holding 72% of total wealth in 2019, while the bottom half held only 2%.
  • Desmond's data on the income of the top 1% doubling while the bottom 90% saw only a 24% increase over 40 years.

Visible distinctions. Social media and modern life make economic disparities more visible than ever, constantly showcasing the perks and privileges of those higher up the ladder. This constant exposure to others' perceived ease fuels envy and a sense of being wronged.

  • Tiered experiences in travel (Clear, first class), entertainment (concert seating), and services (Uber, gyms).
  • Social media posts highlighting vacations, purchases, and achievements.

Competition for status. Increased competition for a relatively fixed number of elite positions, particularly among the growing population with college degrees, adds to frustration and a sense that the system is rigged. This "top-heavy" pyramid corrodes social norms.

5. A deep sense of national decline and pessimism contributes significantly to the age of grievance.

Looking to the Future, Public Sees an America in Decline on Many Fronts.

Lost optimism. The traditional American narrative of progress, boundless opportunity, and better tomorrows has eroded for many. Polls show a persistent majority of Americans believe the country is on the wrong track and that their children will be worse off financially.

  • Gallup polls showing most Americans believe China is the leading economic power, even when it's not.
  • Pew research indicating majorities expect a weaker economy, less affordable healthcare, and a worse environment.

Fading American Dream. Decreased social mobility, particularly for millennials, contradicts the national mythology and breeds disillusionment. This sense of stagnation, coupled with external threats like climate change and global instability, fosters a climate of anxiety and despair.

  • Raj Chetty's study showing only 50% of children born in the 1980s surpassed their parents' earnings, compared to 90% in 1940.
  • The rise of dystopian entertainment (zombie shows, Squid Game) reflecting a bleak outlook.

Vulnerability to grievance. When hope dies, people are more susceptible to narratives that blame external forces for their struggles. This pessimism makes them receptive to politicians who validate their feelings of being wronged and offer simple scapegoats.

6. Grievance manifests in cultural battles, hypersensitivity, and a focus on victimhood hierarchies.

If everybody claims to be a victim... the emergency room is filled up with motherfuckers with paper cuts.

Culture war battlefields. Grievance fuels intense cultural conflicts over issues like education, identity, and language. Rival groups feel cheated or muscled out, turning disagreements into vicious battles rather than calm discussions.

  • Debates over school curricula and book banning.
  • The "woke" vs. "un-woke" framing of social issues.

Hypersensitivity and "isms". There's a quickness to invoke accusations of racism, sexism, transphobia, etc., sometimes disproportionately to the trigger. This can lead to an "oppression Olympics" where groups compete over the magnitude of their suffering.

  • The Hamline University professor fired for showing a painting of the Prophet Mohammed.
  • Johns Hopkins defining "lesbian" as a "non-man attracted to non-men."

Diluting real issues. When minor slights or perceived offenses are equated with profound injustices, it risks diluting the impact of real discrimination and making people inured to serious problems. This focus on perceived victimhood can also discourage resilience and accountability.

  • Chris Rock's commentary on people claiming victimhood for "paper cuts."
  • The "Shitty Media Men" list mixing serious allegations with minor annoyances.

7. The culture of grievance undermines democratic institutions, civility, and the possibility of compromise.

Grievance politics is imbued with a fundamental sense of negative civic energy.

Political paralysis. Grievance calcifies lawmakers' positions and intensifies enmity between parties, making compromise nearly impossible. This leads to legislative gridlock and an inability to address fundamental national problems effectively.

  • Kevin McCarthy's tumultuous rise and fall as House Speaker.
  • Symbolic votes to cut opponents' salaries to $1.

Performance over governance. Institutions like Congress become stages for performance and brand-building rather than places of serious lawmaking. Politicians prioritize getting attention and trending online over collaborative problem-solving.

  • Lawmakers challenging opponents to physical fights.
  • Focusing on "clicks, TV hits, and the never-ending quest for the most mediocre taste of celebrity."

Negative partisanship. Americans increasingly define their political identity by their intense dislike or loathing of the opposing party, rather than shared purpose or positive vision. This makes fear and anger the primary drivers of political engagement and turnout.

  • Polls showing large percentages of Republicans and Democrats viewing the other party as "immoral" or "enemies."
  • Ezra Klein's observation that "as politicians become less well-known and capable on the stump, they rely more and more heavily on activating fear of the other side."

8. Escalating grievance is linked to a disturbing rise in political violence and threats.

Political violence is the consummation of grievances that gargantuan.

From rhetoric to action. Inflated grievances, amplified by media and political figures, can push radicalized individuals towards violent acts. This represents a new phase of domestic terror characterized by individuals willing to kill political enemies.

  • The January 6th Capitol riot, fueled by election grievances.
  • Threats and attacks against politicians, judges, and election workers.

Ideologically motivated attacks. Recent mass shootings and attacks have been linked to perpetrators holding white nationalist or anti-government ideologies, often rooted in grievance narratives like "replacement theory."

  • The Tree of Life synagogue shooting (2018), El Paso Walmart shooting (2019), Buffalo supermarket shooting (2022).
  • The New Mexico candidate arrested for shooting at Democratic officials' homes.

Normalizing violence. Polls indicate a disturbingly large minority of Americans believe violence against the government can be justified, and many expect violence following elections. This suggests a dangerous level of desensitization to political violence.

  • 34% of Americans in a 2021 poll saying violence against the government could be justifiable.
  • 37% in a 2022 poll condoning some violence if their candidate loses due to "unfair actions."

9. Addressing grievance requires reducing distance and fostering connection.

distance nurtures grievance.

Demonizing the unknown. It is easier to demonize people we don't know, who exist as abstractions or caricatures rather than complex human beings. Physical, digital, and psychological distance facilitates this dehumanization.

Finding common ground. Interactions outside of political contexts, focusing on shared interests or vulnerabilities, can reveal common humanity and build empathy. This challenges preconceived notions and softens animosity.

  • The author's experience receiving apologies from angry readers after responding personally.
  • Readers connecting with the author over shared experiences like having a dog or coping with illness.

Cooperation is key. Humanity's strength lies in cooperation and the ability to form bonds. While tribalism has a dark side, it also includes the capacity for connection with immediate neighbors. Countering grievance requires actively seeking and building these connections.

10. Reforming political systems and processes can help mitigate intense partisanship and grievance.

It turns out that an overwhelming majority of Democrats, independents, and Republicans—and everybody of every ethnicity—is sick of toxic politics.

Fixing Congress. Creating opportunities for lawmakers to interact, listen, and find common ground can help de-escalate "high conflict" into "good conflict." Simple changes in meeting structure and seating arrangements can foster better communication.

  • The bipartisan Select Committee on the Modernization of Congress holding listening sessions and brainstorming solutions.
  • Implementing rules to encourage cooling off periods before escalating disputes.

Addressing gerrymandering. Egregious gerrymandering creates ideologically homogeneous districts that elect extremists with little incentive for compromise. Shifting map-drawing to independent or bipartisan commissions can lead to more competitive districts and moderate candidates.

  • North Carolina's history of partisan gerrymandering.
  • Larry Hogan's successful fight against gerrymandering in Maryland.

Reforming primaries and voting. Open primaries, jungle primaries, and ranked-choice voting can diminish the power of hyper-partisans and encourage candidates to appeal to a broader base. Making voting easier also increases participation and investment in the system.

  • Ranked-choice voting incentivizing candidates to be a second choice for opponents' voters.
  • Removing unnecessary barriers to voting like long lines or strict ID requirements without evidence of widespread fraud.

11. Investing in social infrastructure and improving education can foster connection and reduce grievance drivers.

Building places where all kinds of people can gather is the best way to repair the fractured societies we live in today.

Shared public spaces. Investing in libraries, parks, plazas, and public transit creates "palaces for the people" where diverse individuals can interact and build community. Unlike private spaces, these are designed to be inclusive and accessible to all income levels.

  • Eric Klinenberg's argument for the power of social infrastructure.
  • The "Big Sort" phenomenon where people increasingly cluster by income, education, and politics.

Rethinking education and employment. Reducing the overemphasis on four-year college degrees as the sole path to success and respect can bridge the "diploma divide" that fuels partisan and class resentment. Valuing work experience and investing in workforce training are crucial.

  • Pennsylvania eliminating college degree requirements for many state jobs.
  • Economists arguing that degree requirements unfairly screen out minorities and rural Americans.

Improving civics and media literacy. Better education on democratic principles, history (acknowledging flaws while celebrating progress), and how to navigate misinformation online is essential for informed citizenship. Fostering reflective patriotism and a sense of shared purpose counters grievance narratives.

  • Richard Haass's argument for a "Bill of Obligations" alongside rights.
  • Teaching students to distinguish propaganda from reliable information in the digital age.

Last updated:

Review Summary

4.10 out of 5
Average of 1k+ ratings from Goodreads and Amazon.

The Age of Grievance explores the pervasive culture of victimhood and resentment in modern America. Bruni argues that both left and right engage in grievance politics, escalating conflicts and eroding civil discourse. He examines historical contexts, social media's role, and the psychological rewards of grievance. While some readers found the book repetitive, many praised Bruni's balanced approach and insights. The final chapters offer potential solutions, emphasizing humility and civic engagement. Critics noted the book's timeliness but questioned the feasibility of its proposed remedies in today's polarized climate.

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About the Author

Frank Bruni is a renowned journalist, author, and professor. He served as a New York Times restaurant critic and Rome bureau chief before becoming a political reporter and columnist. Bruni covered the 2000 presidential campaign and the early Bush administration. He authored bestselling books, including a biography of George W. Bush and an exposé on sexual abuse in the Catholic Church. Currently a professor at Duke University, Bruni is known for his insightful commentary on American politics and culture. His writing style is praised for its clarity, wit, and balanced approach to complex issues.

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