The Communist Manifesto and Other Writings

1. History Repeats, First as Tragedy, Then as Farce

Hegel remarks somewhere that all facts and personages of great importance in world history occur, as it were, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second as farce.

Echoes of the Past. Marx opens by observing history's tendency to repeat itself, albeit in increasingly degraded forms. He uses Hegel's observation to frame his analysis of Louis Bonaparte's coup, contrasting it unfavorably with the French Revolution. The figures and events of the past—Danton, Robespierre, the Montagne—find their pale imitations in the present, highlighting the revolution's descent into mediocrity.

From Grandeur to Grotesque. The initial French Revolution, a period of genuine upheaval and transformation, is contrasted with the events of 1848-1851, which Marx views as a mere parody. The heroes of the past are replaced by their caricatures, and the noble ideals of liberty and equality are reduced to empty slogans. This degradation underscores Marx's critique of the revolution's failure to achieve its stated goals.

The Weight of Tradition. Marx argues that the living are burdened by the traditions of the dead, which weigh like a nightmare on their brains. This burden compels them to conjure up the spirits of the past, borrowing names, battle cries, and costumes to present new scenes of world history in time-honored disguise. However, this reliance on the past ultimately hinders their ability to create something truly new and revolutionary.

2. Men Make History, But Not Under Chosen Circumstances

Men make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past.

Agency and Constraint. This quote encapsulates Marx's understanding of historical agency. Individuals are not simply puppets of fate, but active agents who shape the course of events. However, their actions are always constrained by the material conditions and historical legacies they inherit.

The Burden of the Past. Marx emphasizes that the past weighs heavily on the present, shaping the possibilities and limitations of action. People do not create history in a vacuum, but within a specific context defined by existing social structures, economic relations, and cultural traditions. This context both enables and constrains their choices.

Revolutionary Borrowing. Even in moments of revolutionary upheaval, people often turn to the past for inspiration and legitimacy. They borrow names, slogans, and symbols from earlier periods, attempting to present their struggles in a familiar and compelling light. However, this reliance on the past can also be a form of self-deception, obscuring the true nature of the present and hindering the creation of a truly revolutionary future.

3. Revolutions Draw Their Poetry From the Future

The social revolution of the nineteenth century cannot draw its poetry from the past, but only from the future.

Breaking with Tradition. Marx asserts that the social revolution of the nineteenth century must break free from the constraints of the past and draw its inspiration from the future. Unlike earlier revolutions that relied on historical precedents and idealized figures, the proletarian revolution must forge its own path and create its own vision of a new society.

The End of Superstition. To achieve its true content, the revolution must let the dead bury their dead, stripping off all superstition in regard to the past. This requires a radical break with traditional ideas and a willingness to embrace new forms of thought and action. The revolution must not be a mere imitation of earlier struggles, but a genuine transformation of society.

A New Poetry. Marx calls for a new "poetry" of revolution, a new language and way of thinking that is not based on the past but seeks to fashion the future. This involves imagining alternative worlds and alternative modes of organizing society that are different from the ones that are prevalent today. It is a call for visionary thinking and creative action.

4. The Bourgeoisie Forged Weapons Against Itself

The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.

Unintended Consequences. Marx argues that the bourgeoisie, in its struggle against feudalism, created the very forces that would eventually lead to its own downfall. The bourgeoisie's rise to power was fueled by the development of industry, commerce, and a new class of wage laborers, the proletariat.

The Rise of the Proletariat. The proletariat, created by the bourgeoisie, becomes the class destined to overthrow it. As capitalism develops, the proletariat grows in number, becomes concentrated in urban centers, and develops a sense of class consciousness. This class is exploited by the bourgeoisie and is destined to wield the weapons that bring death to the bourgeoisie itself.

Inevitable Conflict. The bourgeoisie's own success creates the conditions for its eventual demise. The very forces that propelled it to power—industrialization, urbanization, and the creation of a wage-laboring class—ultimately undermine its position and pave the way for a new social order. The bourgeoisie produces its own grave-diggers.

5. The Proletariat Must Win the Battle of Democracy

The first step in the revolution by the working class is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class, to win the battle of democracy.

Political Supremacy. Marx asserts that the first step in the proletarian revolution is for the working class to achieve political supremacy. This involves organizing itself as a ruling class and winning the battle of democracy. The proletariat must first of all acquire political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of the nation, must constitute itself as the nation.

Wresting Capital. Once in power, the proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie. This involves centralizing all instruments of production in the hands of the state, i.e., of the proletariat organized as the ruling class, and to increase the total of productive forces as rapidly as possible.

Despotic Inroads. This process will necessarily involve despotic inroads on the rights of property and on the conditions of bourgeois production. These measures, though appearing economically insufficient and untenable at first, will outstrip themselves in the course of the movement, necessitating further inroads upon the old social order and revolutionizing the mode of production.

6. The Republic Is the Rule of a Class

The executive of the modern State is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.

Class Rule. Marx argues that the state, even in its republican form, is not a neutral arbiter but an instrument of class rule. The executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie. The state serves the interests of the dominant class, in this case, the bourgeoisie.

Parliamentary Illusions. The parliamentary republic, with its elected representatives and constitutional guarantees, creates the illusion of popular sovereignty. However, Marx contends that this is merely a facade that conceals the underlying reality of class power. The bourgeoisie rules in parliamentary forms, without encountering any barrier such as the veto power of the executive or the right to dissolve parliament.

The Party of Order. The party of Order, a coalition of royalist factions, represents the interests of the bourgeoisie in the National Assembly. This party seeks to maintain its rule through parliamentary means, but ultimately undermines its own position by alienating other classes and creating the conditions for Bonapartist dictatorship. The party of Order exercised more unrestricted and sterner domination over the other classes of society than ever previously under the Restoration or under the July Monarchy.

7. The State Seems to Have Made Itself Completely Independent

Only under the second Bonaparte does the state seem to have made itself completely independent.

Autonomy of the State. Marx observes that under Louis Bonaparte, the state apparatus appears to have achieved a degree of autonomy from civil society. The state machine has consolidated its position so thoroughly that the chief of the Society of December 10 suffices for its head. This is a departure from previous periods, where the state was more directly controlled by the ruling class.

The Parasitic Body. The state, with its vast bureaucracy and military organization, becomes a parasitic body that enmeshes French society like a net and chokes all its pores. This appalling parasitic body, which enmeshes the body of French society like a net and chokes all its pores, sprang up in the days of the absolute monarchy, with the decay of the feudal system, which it helped to hasten. The state's power grows at the expense of civil society, stifling its vitality and independence.

Bonaparte's Lumpenproletariat. Bonaparte's power rests on his ability to mobilize the lumpenproletariat, the social scum, and use them as a tool of repression. This class, lacking any real stake in society, is easily manipulated and serves as a counterweight to both the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Bonaparte constitutes himself chief of the lumpenproletariat, who here alone rediscovers in mass form the interests which he personally pursues.

8. Bonaparte Represents the Conservative Peasant

Bonaparte represents a class, and the most numerous class of French society at that, the small-holding [Parzellen] peasants.

The Peasant Base. Marx identifies the small-holding peasants as the social base of Bonaparte's power. This class, comprising the majority of the French population, is characterized by its isolation, its attachment to private property, and its desire for order and security. The small-holding peasants form a vast mass, the members of which live in similar conditions but without entering into manifold relations with one another.

The Napoleonic Illusion. The peasants are susceptible to the "Napoleonic illusion," the belief that a strong leader can restore the glory and prosperity of the past. This illusion is rooted in historical tradition and in the peasants' desire for protection against the forces of modernization and change. Historical tradition gave rise to the belief of the French peasants in the miracle that a man named Napoleon would bring all the glory back to them.

Conservative Force. Bonaparte represents the conservative, not the revolutionary, peasant. He appeals to their desire to consolidate their holdings and maintain the existing social order, rather than to overthrow it. The Bonaparte dynasty represents not the revolutionary, but the conservative peasant; not the peasant that strikes out beyond the condition of his social existence, the small holding, but rather the peasant who wants to consolidate this holding.

Last updated: April 4, 2025