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Witness to Surrender

Witness to Surrender

by Siddique Salik 1977 245 pages
3.86
100+ ratings
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Key Takeaways

1. Seeds of Discontent: Political and Economic Divides Deepen

My aim is to establish Bangla Desh. 1 shall tear L.F.O. into pieces as soon as the elections are oyer. Who could challenge me once the elections are over.

East-West disparity. The book highlights the growing sense of economic and political marginalization felt by East Pakistanis. West Pakistan was perceived to be exploiting the East's resources, leading to widespread resentment. This perception fueled the rise of Bengali nationalism and support for Mujibur Rehman's Awami League.

Six Points as a catalyst. Mujib's Six Points, initially presented as a framework for greater provincial autonomy, were viewed by many in West Pakistan as a veiled secessionist agenda. This divergence in interpretation further widened the gap between the two wings. The Legal Framework Order (LFO), intended to ensure national integrity, was seen by Mujib as an obstacle to his vision of Bangla Desh.

Mistrust and fear. The narrative reveals a climate of fear and suspicion between West Pakistanis and Bengalis. West Pakistani officers expressed concerns about the loyalty of Bengali troops, while Bengalis felt discriminated against and economically exploited. This mutual distrust created a fertile ground for political instability and ultimately, the breakup of Pakistan.

2. Military Maneuvering: Integration Attempts and Growing Distrust

If the intention is eventually to raise a Bengal army, go ahead with the raising of exclusively East Bengal battalions; but if you want to maintain the unity of the army—and the country—please integrate the existing East Bengal battalions with the rest.

Failed integration efforts. The book details the army's attempts to integrate Bengali troops into existing units, but these efforts were often half-hearted and ultimately unsuccessful. The decision to raise more exclusively Bengali battalions, despite warnings from local commanders, further exacerbated the problem.

Bengali nationalism within the ranks. The narrative reveals the influence of Bengali nationalism on Bengali troops, with some officers openly supporting Mujibur Rehman and his Six Points. This created a sense of unease and distrust among West Pakistani officers, who questioned the loyalty of their Bengali counterparts. The Agartala Conspiracy, which envisioned the capture of unit armories and the disarming of West Pakistani troops, heightened these fears.

Arms control measures. The General Officer Commanding (GOC) took precautionary measures, such as keeping part of the arms in the unit lines instead of the armories, reflecting the deep-seated distrust within the army. These actions, while intended to prevent potential mutiny, further fueled the sense of alienation and division between Bengali and West Pakistani officers.

3. Mujib's Ascendancy: Nationalism and Political Dominance

Some how, A yubK han has pitched me to a height of popularity where nobody can say “no” to what I want. Even Yahya Khan cannot refuse my demands.

Exploiting Bengali identity. The Awami League skillfully promoted Bengali nationalism by emphasizing provincial events and downplaying national occasions. This strategy aimed to weaken inter-wing links and foster a distinct Bengali identity.

Suppression of rivals. The Awami League actively disrupted meetings and rallies organized by rival political parties, creating an atmosphere of fear and intimidation. This suppression of dissent further consolidated Mujib's dominance and silenced alternative voices.

Referendum on Six Points. Mujib framed the 1970 elections as a referendum on his Six Points program, effectively forcing voters to choose between his vision of autonomy and the existing political order. This strategy proved highly successful, as the Awami League swept the polls in East Pakistan.

4. Martial Law's Paradox: Weak Enforcement and Rising Chaos

It was a martial law regime. All major offences were cognizable under martial law orders and regulations which 1 had no powers to enforce. The Martial Law Administrator alone could do that. And, mind you, he was answerable to Yahya Khan, not me.

Ineffective governance. The book portrays a civil and martial law administration in Dacca that was largely passive and ineffective. Governor Ahsan lacked the necessary political acumen and authority to control the situation, while Martial Law Administrator Yakub Khan was perceived as being too lenient towards Mujib.

Deteriorating law and order. The weakness of the administration led to a breakdown of law and order, with frequent strikes, lockouts, and bomb blasts disrupting industrial, commercial, and educational life. The Awami League's growing strength and the administration's inaction created a climate of fear and insecurity.

Martial law's toothlessness. The author highlights the paradox of a martial law regime that was unwilling or unable to enforce its own regulations. This "toothlessness" of martial law further emboldened the Awami League and contributed to the growing chaos in East Pakistan.

5. Elections as a Foregone Conclusion: The Rise of the Awami League

I acknowledge and appreciate the impartiality, devotion to duty and firmness with which all ranks of the armed forces ensured peaceful atmosphere during the general elections.

Awami League's pre-election dominance. The book describes how the Awami League had practically won the elections before the polling day, with many people anticipating their victory and adjusting their behavior accordingly. This created an atmosphere of inevitability and further discouraged opposition.

Army's non-interference. The army's instructions to remain in the background and avoid direct involvement in the polls contributed to the Awami League's success. This hands-off approach allowed the Awami League to exert its influence and control the electoral process.

Free-for-all elections. While the elections were deemed "peaceful," they were also characterized as a "free-for-all," with the Awami League employing various means to ensure its victory. This raised questions about the fairness and impartiality of the electoral process.

6. The Unraveling: Failed Negotiations and Rising Tensions

Don’t worry... we will not allow these black bastards to rule over us.

Post-election polarization. The Awami League's victory in East Pakistan and the Pakistan People's Party's (PPP) dominance in West Pakistan created a deeply polarized political landscape. The two parties struggled to find common ground, with Mujib insisting on the Six Points and Bhutto expressing strong reservations.

Abortive negotiations. The book details the failed attempts to reach a negotiated settlement between Mujib, Bhutto, and Yahya Khan. These talks were characterized by mistrust, inflexibility, and a lack of genuine compromise, ultimately leading to a deadlock.

Postponement and unrest. The postponement of the National Assembly session on March 1 triggered widespread protests and violence in East Pakistan. This decision, perceived as a betrayal by the Bengalis, marked a turning point in the crisis and pushed the country closer to civil war.

7. Mujib's De Facto Rule: A Province Under Separate Governance

We cannot let it go unchallenged.

Non-cooperation movement. In response to the postponement of the Assembly session, Mujib launched a non-violent non-cooperation movement, effectively taking control of East Pakistan. The civil administration and people largely obeyed his directives, while the government's authority crumbled.

Breakdown of administration. The book describes how the Awami League's directives superseded government orders, leading to a breakdown of administrative control. The army was confined to the cantonments, while Mujib and his supporters effectively governed the province.

Growing violence. The period of Mujib's de facto rule was marked by increasing violence, particularly against non-Bengalis. This created a climate of fear and insecurity, further exacerbating the divisions between East and West Pakistan.

8. Operation Searchlight Begins: Repression and Resistance

Don’t worry... we will not allow these black bastards to rule over us.

Military crackdown. The book details the planning and execution of Operation Searchlight, the Pakistan Army's military operation to regain control of East Pakistan. The operation involved the use of force to suppress Bengali dissent and re-establish government authority.

Brutality and casualties. The narrative describes the violence and brutality of the military crackdown, with civilians, students, and intellectuals among the victims. The operation resulted in widespread death and destruction, further alienating the Bengali population.

Declaration of independence. In response to the military action, Mujibur Rehman declared the independence of Bangla Desh, marking the beginning of a full-scale civil war. This declaration galvanized Bengali resistance and set the stage for Indian intervention.

9. Insurgency Takes Root: Guerrilla Warfare and Indian Support

After assuming power, if Sheikh Sahib sends for all the papers on the Agartala Conspiracy case, he will surely find my name at several places. . . And Mujib is not liberal enough to forgive and forget.

Formation of Mukti Bahini. The book describes the formation of the Mukti Bahini, a guerrilla force composed of Bengali soldiers, students, and volunteers, with the aim of liberating Bangla Desh. This force received training, weapons, and support from India.

Guerrilla tactics. The Mukti Bahini employed various guerrilla tactics, including sabotage, ambushes, and assassinations, to disrupt Pakistani operations and undermine their control. These tactics created a climate of fear and uncertainty for the Pakistani forces.

Indian involvement. The narrative highlights India's active support for the Mukti Bahini, providing training, weapons, and sanctuary. This support played a crucial role in sustaining the insurgency and ultimately contributed to the outbreak of war between India and Pakistan.

10. Diplomatic Failures: Isolation and Missed Opportunities

Don’t worry... we will not allow these black bastards to rule over us.

International isolation. Pakistan faced increasing international isolation as reports of the military crackdown and human rights abuses in East Pakistan spread. The expulsion of foreign correspondents further damaged Pakistan's image and credibility.

Missed opportunities for reconciliation. The book highlights several missed opportunities for political reconciliation, such as the failure to declare a general amnesty earlier and the refusal to release Mujibur Rehman. These missed opportunities further hardened the positions on both sides and made a peaceful resolution impossible.

Dependence on unreliable allies. Pakistan's reliance on China and the United States for support proved to be misplaced, as these countries offered only limited assistance. This diplomatic isolation left Pakistan vulnerable to Indian intervention.

11. Dacca's Descent: The Final Days Before Surrender

Don’t worry... we will not allow these black bastards to rule over us.

Deteriorating conditions. The book portrays a grim picture of Dacca in the final days before surrender, with widespread violence, looting, and a breakdown of essential services. The city was gripped by fear and uncertainty as the Indian army closed in.

Loss of hope. The troops' morale plummeted as the promise of foreign help failed to materialize and the military situation deteriorated. The realization that Dacca was indefensible led to a sense of despair and resignation.

Desperate measures. In a last-ditch effort to salvage the situation, the government explored various options, including a cease-fire and a political settlement. However, these efforts were ultimately unsuccessful, as the Indian army pressed its advance.

12. Surrender and Aftermath: A Nation Divided

Don’t worry... we will not allow these black bastards to rule over us.

Niazi's surrender. The book culminates in the surrender of Lieutenant-General Niazi to the Indian army in Dacca, marking the end of Pakistani rule in East Pakistan. The surrender ceremony symbolized the defeat of the Pakistan Army and the birth of a new nation, Bangla Desh.

Atrocities and revenge. The aftermath of the surrender was marked by widespread atrocities and revenge killings, particularly against non-Bengalis and those who had collaborated with the Pakistani army. This violence further deepened the divisions within Bengali society.

Legacy of division. The book concludes with a reflection on the legacy of the 1971 war, highlighting the deep-seated divisions and unresolved issues that continue to plague the region. The dismemberment of Pakistan serves as a cautionary tale about the dangers of political and economic inequality, ethnic tensions, and the failure of leadership.

Last updated:

Review Summary

3.86 out of 5
Average of 100+ ratings from Goodreads and Amazon.

Witness to Surrender receives mixed reviews, with an average rating of 3.86/5. Some praise its detailed account of the 1971 war from a Pakistani perspective, while others criticize its bias and omission of atrocities. Readers appreciate the insider's view of military operations and political dynamics but note the author's tendency to downplay Pakistani wrongdoings. The book is considered valuable for understanding the conflict's military and political aspects, despite its limitations in presenting a complete, unbiased picture of events.

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About the Author

Muhammad Siddique Salik was a Pakistani military officer, writer, and media personality. Born in British India, he earned degrees in English literature and International Relations. Salik joined the Pakistan Army in 1964 and served as a Major during the 1971 war in East Pakistan. He was captured and held as a prisoner of war in India. After returning to Pakistan, Salik became a prominent figure in General Zia-ul-Haq's military government, serving as his speech writer, press secretary, and media minister. He authored several books in Urdu and English, including "Witness to Surrender," based on his experiences during the 1971 war. Salik died in a plane crash in 1988 alongside President Zia-ul-Haq.

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